1. Murder on Chesil Beach

Dauchester, as it's known today, in England's southwest.

Dense clouds sweep in from the east, gathering mass. The air grows oppressive beneath them. The situated on the banks of the River Frum, in the ancient kingdom of Wessex,

“Dauchester is an important settlement. It has royal connections.”

The West Saxon King has a winter residence here. A man patrols the market stalls with a watchful eye. There's a haughty swagger to his walk as he taps his staff on the cobbles.

Traders touch their forelocks respectfully.

This is not a man you want to cross. His wool and clothes are of quality, revealing his high status. Meet Beada Hard. He's the Reeve, an official responsible for ensuring that the King's laws are upheld. The market is a honeypot for near-do wells,

“drunks, pickpockets, cheats, and its Beada Hard's job to police and punish every kind of”

criminality. There's one rule above all others that he's determined to enforce, that the King must receive his portion, his cut, of every transaction that takes place in his realm.

It's not just about the money, it's about maintaining order.

When Beada Hard over here's a group of men talking about some foreigners trading furs over the side of their boats, his ears prick up. The alleged infringement is taking place on the aisle of Portland, down on the coast, about 30 miles to the south. Beada Hard hurries to the Guild Hall and gathers his attendance.

“If he's to confront these strangers, he's determined to impress on them the full dignity of his office.”

Dorchester is an old Roman town. The roads are laid out in the classic grid pattern, but it's fallen into disrepair since the legions left, long, long ago. The amphitheater turned to rubble. It's a rena overgrown. Sheep nibble at the grass where gladiators once fought. The reev leads his men alongside the street. They leave through a gap in the town walls where

their old gate used to be. Then take the long straight Roman road down to the sea. For Beada Hard, the issue is simple. The foreigners are welcome to trade, but they must follow the rules. He sits up in the saddle. All he has to do is to show them who's boss. As they reach Chazzle Beach, the thin isthmus that connects Portland to the mainland. Beada Hard sees the strangers boats drawn up ahead. Three mastered long boats with their sales stowed.

Their crews mill about on the shingle, a campfire burns. Suddenly they stop what they're doing and turn to face the approaching posse. Beada Hard and his men draw to a halt. At close quarters, the size of the strangers is striking. They are a formidable side. The reev touches a crucifix on his belt buckle. The ultimate source of his authority is gone. The strangers were helmets of either leather or metal.

Axis, daggers and swords hang from their bolderings. The loose belts slung about their hips. Their musseled arms are ringed with gold. One or two were small gilded hammers around their necks. The symbol of a pagan god, Thor, the bringer of thunder. Their hair and beards appear well groomed. Dark green tattoos are visible on their exposed skin. Beada Hard dismounts and strides towards them. One hand on their hilt of his dagger.

He gestures towards a pile of lush, arctic furs. You can't trade that here. He shouts, explaining that they will have to pass through a King's port in order to pay the correct taxes. The foreigners are unmoved by his words if they even understand them. Then one of them reaches for a long handled battlehouse. His hand rises before shooting forwards and releasing the weapon. Time seems to slow down as it spins through the air.

With a deafening roar, the men from the ship's rush forward and drag Beada Hard's

“done men from their horses. As the storm clouds break, the strangers load up their long, sleek”

vessels and heed them back into the water. The only trace of their presence, the small ring fire on the Saxon bodies lying in the blood soaked pebbles. Today, Chessel Beach, with its tidal legumes, is one of Dorc's most popular tourist locations, a favoured spot for ramblers and birdwatchers. It's hard to imagine it as a setting for such a shocking drama. So who were these men who pitched up on this beach a millennium ago,

dispensing such violence and casual brutality? They are, in a word that will soon strike fear into the hearts of every Anglo-Saxon, every kelp, every friezen, every Frank, across the early Middle Ages, Vikings. Say the word Viking today, and it conjures a certain image. One represented in countless films, TV shows, video games, comic books, and superhero franchises.

One of pillage and savagery, a cliched world of horned helmets and bloodiegles, of barbaric herhsuit heathens and throught to gods and monsters, the hells angels of the high seas. Men who came in long boats to terrorize and slaughter, the innocence of Britain, France, Ireland, and beyond. If those men who killed Badahard are anything to go by, then certain aspects of this legend are true. But it only tells part of a bigger story, of a people who were so much more

than the fur-clad thugs of popular imagination. The Vikings hailed from a sophisticated and developed civilization. They were master navigators, fearless explorers, diplomats, traders, craftsmen, storytellers, and yes warriors. Moreover, they were adventurous. Men and women whose feet still defy the imagination. A people who crossed vast oceans and discovered new lands, building up an impressive trading empire that spans four continents, four centuries.

“The Viking Age, this perhaps the most revolutionary, crucial,”

a seminal period ever in the history of the Scandinavians. We're dealing with a group of people who really transform the history of Europe. There's a real sense in which there's almost no parts of Europe. They leave completely untouched. They founded just about every major city in Ireland.

They founded the first centralized state in what is now Russia, the Korean Belarus. They

founded perhaps the greatest of the medieval kingdoms, which is the kingdom of the two Sicilys. And then of course medieval France and England were also largely created by the Vikings. They ended up traveling. Thousands and thousands of miles across the North Atlantic heading west, circling Greenland, reaching the edge of the North American continent. They ended up all the way in the Arctic. They go east. They go down the waterways of the

“Eurasian steps all the way to Byzantium, even to Baghdad. What really fascinating, I think,”

is this exploration as human urge to move beyond the known and into something and has not yet been discovered. Much of their history was written by their enemies. Which means their true achievements were often overlooked. The achievers themselves demonized. But the Vikings changed the world and were themselves changed as they sailed and battled their way through it. The Vikings, they do have a unique place in the public mindset. They are

framed as the barbaric other. And there is something fascinating about that. And more than that, this idea of people who left everything behind to quite literally sail over the horizon. The Viking period is still extremely compelling today, partly because it's just so colorful, it's full of dramatic figures, dramatic events.

They've got amazing tattoos and they've got these wonderful hairstyles and they're the absolute epitome of

I'm Ian Glenn and from The Noise A podcast network, this is Real Vikings.

“We start with a who-done-it, who are be-add-hards killers exactly. These men who appeared out”

of the blue and that dorsed beach 12 centuries ago. Contemporary accounts refer to those who murdered the King's Reeve as Danish, Northmen, Norse, or even just Heathens. There are synonyms for Viking. All we really know for sure is that these killers, these Vikings, came from the north, from the land we call Scandinavia.

The world back then is very different to the one we know today. The western part of the Roman

Empire collapsed in the 5th century over 300 years previously. Since then, there's been a period of decline across Europe. The dark ages, as they are usually called, a time of great social upheaval,

“a sense of barbarians at the gate of classical civilization. The name tells all. It's an”

era with little documented testimony as to what actually occurred. By the 9th century, when the Vikings begin to make their mark, we do know that two new powerblocks have emerged,

both dominated by the new religions that have swept across from the east.

Francia is a Christian territory. It covers much of modern-day France, Germany, the low countries are Northern Italy, with its emperor, Charlemagne, gods andointed ruler on earth. Further south, there is the vast Umayyad Caliphate, a Muslim realm which stretches across North Africa and the Middle East, from Spanish al Andalus to Persia.

“Out on the fringes in Britain or Ireland say, the more inconsequential things become.”

England, at the end of the 8th century, doesn't exist. It's emergence as a nation as a story for another day. Back then, the land that we now call England is divided into four main kingdoms, East Anglia, Northumbria, Mercia, and Wessex. They have emerged out of the power vacuum left at the end of Roman rule in its province of Britannia. The native population of Celtic speaking Britain has been faced with an influx of Germanic migrants from Northern Europe, tribes of angles,

Saxons, Juts and Friesions. Out of this melting pot, a new people have emerged. They speak what we classify today as old English and have come to be known as Anglo-Saxons. By Beada Hard's time, the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms are reasonably Christian. The process of conversion from paganism, worshiping the same old gods that the Viking still cling to, began in the late 6th century when missionaries sent by Pope Gregory landed in Kent.

To the Anglo-Saxons to be like Beada Hard, the Northern lands beyond British shores are a distant and unsettling mystery. An old idea rooted in the pagan past links the North with Hell. Tucked away at the very top of the map, the region we know is Scandinavia is a land far far away. Across the Fiords and Mountains, this territory of the North plays host to a rural society. Most folks live in villages and isolated farms, growing crops and raising cattle, as well as hunting

and fishing. People subsist on fish, grain and meat. Beaf, pork, goat, venison, sometimes horse. They wear simple clothes, but from wool, flacks and hem. They are a practical people. Handy craftsmen, skilled at carpentry, metalwork. The further north you go, the sparser of the villages become, breaking up into individual farmsteads. But even in these remote settings,

up in the Hullo, Galand, land of High Fire, or the Northern Lights, bonds of community hold scattered neighbors together.

It's about a third of Norway is above the Arctic Circle. This is a punishing climate,

“and so hospitality was obviously a very important thing.”

And women usually had greater rights than in the rest of Medieval Europe, because they were largely in charge of making sure there's enough food for the winter. And this is obviously a job that lives depend on. It's a vast area. From the tip of Norway's North Cape to the present-day Danish German border, it's over 1,500 miles. That's further than the distance from Copenhagen to Rome.

The geographic variance is immense, from frozen tundra through dense, spruce tiger, to temperate grassland.

Eleanor Baracluff is a senior lecturer at Bathspar University, an author of Embers of the Hands,

Modern Histories of the Viking Age. So we've got a huge span in terms of geography. We've also got a huge span in terms of the different sorts of people who are living in this world. So for example, if you're a trader or a

“craft person in Denmark, your experience of life is going to be much more multicultural,”

but much less centered compared to say, if you live in an agriculturally prosperous valley, somewhere in the lowlands of Norway or Sweden, where generations of your family have farmed. So we already have to start breaking down this idea that it's just one thing,

and that we can know what it would be like to live at one time in the Viking age.

It's much more complex than that. But there's one thing that unites all Scandinavians. Water. It connects. It defines. Traveling by land across a snowbound mountainous interior is slow and hazardous.

Far easier to navigate a river network from one trading settlement to another. Or skirt the jagged coast of Norway, ducking in and out of fjords, sailing the great northway that gives that land its name. In the Viking age, the sea is not a barrier. It's a pathway. It leads to a world of opportunity, new sources of wealth, new markets to trade in, new targets to

plunder. And it turns out there are riches are plenty. Right there across the north sea, the so-called quail road, just a few days sail away to the west. Quite why and when Scandinavian warriors start harassing the coastal communities of Britain is open to debate, we shall come to that shortly. But it is this sea-born plundering that most likely gives us the term Viking.

The word Viking is really interesting. It does come at least in one form from old Norse and is contemporary with the Viking age itself. So there's a version of the word Viking, which is the Kinggurt, which is essentially a radar or a pirate. There's also a very related form of that word, which is essentially to go on a Viking, to go on a raid. Another suggestion is that it's related to the old Norse word for a bay, Veek.

So a Viking is someone who comes from a bay. There's also a region in Norway called Veekan, perhaps the original Vikings came from there. Whatever the origins of the word, it's meaning "soon" broadens out. Davidezari, associate professor of history and archaeology at Baylor University, is author of Age of Wolf and Wind, voyages through the Viking world. Viking essentially meant a sea-born pirate.

So not all Scandinavians of the Viking age would have been or considered themselves to have been Vikings. Only once you get on a boat and try to pirate stuff would you become a Viking. In the beginning, going a Viking is something you do to supplement your regular income.

“An eight-century side hustle. And that's how it started. With people going seasonally,”

a broad to opportunistically engage in some kind of wealth production that could be trade or it could be raiding. And I think sometimes they probably brought trading goods on board and then decided as they showed up whether it'd be more profitable to raid or to trade.

and Norway, like England, have yet to come into being. Power is concentrated locally in the hands

of chieftains and warlords and based on close bonds of allegiance. It's a shifting, unstable political picture. Do we have to imagine a constellation of chieftains that are in alliance with each other

“that are fighting each other sometimes, expanding, claiming more power and then I would say collapsing again?”

We generally think of Vikings engaging in overseas adventures with their victims being mostly foreigners. But they fight each other, too. In what we might call Viking on Viking action.

Ultimately, dominance comes through wealth, silver, which is used to buy the loyalty of supporters.

The drive of the sort of alpha-type chieftain to control and to sustain powers, one of the motors engines of the Viking age that pushed them beyond their own shores as they tried to accumulate more wealth to reinvest in the political economy and generate bonds of loyalty with their supporters. Religion, too, plays a key role in convincing men to follow charismatic leaders on long

“voyages to unknown lands. Unlike much of Europe, Scandinavia is still pagan.”

Stefan Brink is professor of Scandinavian studies at the University of the Highlands and Islands and research professor at Cambridge. He's the author of Throldum, a history of slavery in the Viking age. Well, the pre-Christian religion in Scandinavia was a holotheistic religion. With many gods and goddesses, minor deities, living with the people, in the barn, in hills, etc. In a landscape, charge with sacrality. And with a mythology, we today find fascinating.

We'll delve into Norse religion more fully in a later episode. But for now, the thing for remember is that for a Viking warrior, death is something to be welcomed, not feared. To die with your sword in your hand ensures immortality, allowing you to enjoy a glorious afterlife in Valhalla, the Hall of the Fallen. That belief gives rise to a culture of warfare, a sense of fearlessness, of invincibility, even, underpinned by a code of valor.

“I think that it's important to consider the ideological motivation. I think that the fatalism”

and the push towards on our generating stories about your accomplishments was a high motivator. But alongside religion and mythology, there may be more practical considerations of play in pushing the Vikings out from Scandinavia. It's also been suggested that there might be something of a gender imbalance. So essentially there are fewer women for the men to marry and settle down with and build up a farmstead and raise a family.

The Vikings' practice of polygamy doesn't help, with the most powerful man taking multiple wives.

It provides an incentive for lesser males to venture abroad in search of foreign bride, or come back home with wealth they can use to compete for the hand of a local girl. Another driver is climate. At the time, there is some significant meteorological shifts. Pragia Avora is lecturer in medieval history at the University of York. One likely explanation is that there was, as a consequence of a sort of warm period,

the medieval warm period, an explosion in population, and as a consequence there wasn't enough land in Scandinavia until people started moving abroad to take their chances really to make something of their lives. In some cases, the accumulation of wealth overseas comes through what we might call legitimate trading, exchanging resources such as furs and walrus tusks for silver. But in the Viking age, the men from Scandinavia will come to specialise in one particularly lucrative

form of commerce. In the ninth century, the slave trade with the Muslim world exploded on the

the major trading commodity for the Scandinavians. And slavery, I believe, in a way, came to

“characterize the Viking period at that time. In fact, so rife is slavery that it forms part of a”

three tiered Viking society. At the top there's the chieftain, or yar, from which we get our word, url, below him come the Freeman, or cows, and right at the bottom, sit the slaves, or throuse, the origin of another English expression, to be enthralled to someone. The Vikings are not the only ones practising slavery at the time. The Christian Anglo-Saxons do it too. But whatever romantic ideas we may entertain about the Norsemen, we have to acknowledge that their economy is founded

on the trafficking of human beings. It is partly their notoriety as slavers that accounts for

the Vikings enduring reputation for violence. But it also has a lot to do with the sources we're

“using. Professor Elizabeth Row, reader in Scandinavian studies at the University of Cambridge,”

is the author of Vikings in the West, the legend of Ragnar Lothbrok and his sons. Nearly all of the contemporary accounts that we have for the Scandinavians in Western Europe are from the point of the victims of Viking raids and attacks. A byproduct of the Vikings' paganism is that when held up against Christendom, they are comparatively illiterate. No Bible, no libraries, no monastic scholars to record events.

Anything approximating a written language is carved in a crude, stick-like alphabet we know as runes, with each of its 24 characters corresponding to a vocal sound. It's a functional means

“of notification, rather than a means of archive or record. As a result, the history of the”

Vikings in this early period is that their story is told by their victims, those who hate them. Evidence written by Scandinavians themselves, for instance in the epic Icelandic sagas, doesn't come until much later. Partly it's a problem that in Scandinavia writing didn't come until the conversion to Christianity, let's say around the year 1,000, and so whatever was written down about the Viking age was written down hundreds of years

after the events that are being told. One source that historians lean on heavily is the Anglo-Sax and Chronicle. The Chronicle is an old English manuscript, a collection of animals documenting the history of the Anglo-Saxon people. It was begun in the 9th century at the court of King Ophrid of Wessex. It's this source that recounts the attack on the King's Reeve, Beada Hard in Portland. The Chronicle pinpoints the 8th century at the time when Viking raids kickoff.

This is the traditional narrative that the Viking age begins in the late 700s. Indeed,

the Chronicle tells us that the three ships involved in the murder of Beada Hard are the first ships

of Danish men to come to England. Actually, we know that there were Northman trading in England for at least a century before this. And recently analyzed DNA evidence suggests that people with Scandinavian heritage may have been present in Britain even earlier than that. Nordic remains found in the city of York have been dated to as far back as between the second and fourth centuries AD, well before the wide-scale Anglo-Saxon settlement. And it's likely that those men on chisel beach

are not the first Scandinavians that Beada Hard has ever dealt with either. The way he gallops to confront them suggests he was not expecting trouble. It seems he thought they were merchants, not marauders. When he sees these three ships from a foreign land show up in Portland, he goes rushing down to meet them, mainly to try and get them to leave in order to go to a King's port. And the reason for that is that when merchants come in, they have dues to pay and those

dues need to be paid in a King's port. So he wasn't really trying to shoe them away or scare

is nothing new. What is, shockingly so, is the violence they meet out. If not the first Scandinavian

“in England, Beada Hard's killers are the first recorded Vikings. It's a crucial distinction.”

One that we now understand, though it may not have been clear at the time, between earlier traders and these new raiders. The Anglo-Saxons may have found the Viking raiders enigmatic and terrifying, but to the Scandinavians themselves, England was less of a mystery. They likely had a long standing knowledge of its shores. Before the Viking age, a network of trading settlements known as Emporia or Wix in

Old English sprang up along rivers and coastal areas across Europe. These include Yipetswick

“and Norvik, Ipswich and Norwich today. There's also Hamwick which becomes Southampton,”

while Londonwick is London and ear for Wix today's york. Based on the trading that took place in the pre- Viking age, the Scandinavians had a great deal of information about where the towns were, where the stored wealth might be, let's say, in monasteries perhaps. Unsurprisingly, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is Anglo-centric, but it's not just England where the Scandinavians have been active. Perhaps even earlier, the Vikings were finding Emporia in

mainland Europe and striking out towards the east. They were trading even as far as what's today Estonia looked the way near. We are pretty clear evidence of that. It's 2008. We're in the village of Salme on the island of Sarama in Estonia. A team of construction workers is digging a trench for an electric cable. The bucket of the hydraulic excavator claws at the earth, breaking the ground and dragging rubble backwards. Suddenly, one of the workers cries out for the

operator to stop. The man crouches down and pears into the hole. A moment later, he holds up the object that caught his eye. It's a human skull, darkly discolored and covered in mud. His fellow workers rushed forward to join him. Before long, they have retrieved a small pile of human burns together

with other strange items. Work comes to a standstill. At first, it's thought that these are the

remains of a World War II soldier, but they don't look like 20th century artefacts. An archaeologist Marge Concer from the University of Tartou is called in. Concer is in no doubt that the fine comes from much, much earlier. Over a thousand years in fact, among the items recovered, she identifies an ancient spearhead and gaming pieces. Gradually, over a period of months, Concer in a team uncovered what appears to be a boat. There are no actual timbers left. They've rotted away,

but the ground is discolored where they once were. And 275 armed rivets are still in place, clearly indicating the shape of a 38-foot long craft. It is a long boat of Scandinavian origin and with seven dead men buried with the ship, propped up on their benches as if about to row into the next world. The men are all aged between 18 and 45. Some of the bones bear the marks of lethal wounds. These are warriors who died in battle. Concer is in no doubt what she

“has uncovered is up Viking warship. But here's the thing. She and her colleagues date the burial site”

to between 700 and 750 AD. When a second vessel is found nearby, it's clear that this is a site

of major archaeological significance. At 55 feet long, it is larger and even more spectacular than the first. Remarkably, it's equipped with a mast with fragments of sail still attached. This makes it the earliest known sailing ship ever found in the Baltic. And that pushes the mast and the

eighth century. And then with that we get this debate of when does the Viking age begin.

“Inside the hull of the second boat, archaeologists make a McCarbra discovery. The remains were”

further 33 warriors, stacked neatly in rows and buried beneath the covering of shields. Isotopanalysis of the men's teeth will reveal that many of them came from the Maylar valley in Sweden. Their weapons similar to ones recovered from other boat burials there. The Salme fine suggests that the Viking age began at least 50 years, possibly even a century, earlier than once believed.

Ship burials like those at Salme underlined just how central boats are to the lives and deaths

of Viking men and women. The long boat is at the heart of a technological revolution taking place

“in Scandinavia. Thanks to advances in shipbuilding techniques, they're evolving into sophisticated”

war machines. The Viking ship is the catalysts of the Viking age. They're getting more streamlined, particularly with the development of the true kill. They're more able to sail further out into the ocean. So we start getting ships that can go not just along coastlines but can cross the open ocean and deal with particularly the strong ocean currents that you find in the north of

Atlantic. It's hard to overstate the importance of the kill to the Vikings. It was part of their

cultural identity. Even the range of mountains that runs down the spine of Norway is named Sherlan, the north for kill. Viking long ships are clinker built, which means they're made from overlapping planks. The timber used is often green wood, preferably oak, freshly humed with access and with pine pitch used to seal it all up. This creates an incredibly flexible structure. The planks open and close, breathing like a living creature as the whole passes through the water.

It allows them to show up quickly, hold their shallow draft of ships onto the beaches and sail out quickly. They can go up the rivers with these shallow drafts of boats they can easily take down or put up their sails so it makes these ships really versatile. And because the kills are relatively shallow and the ships are clinker built, they can actually be lifted by as few as 10 men so they can sail then up rivers as well as across oceans and they

do it at truly frightening speed. They could cover about 50 miles in a day and even a cavalry using a good Roman road could do about 30. So the Vikings are just faster than everyone.

“I think the most telling example of this is for the first two centuries of the Viking age so”

roughly, you know, 800 to 1000 AD, there is no naval battle in Northern Europe, except between Viking fleets. So they just have complete dominance of the sea. With their prouds carved as elaborate dragons, the better to ward off evil spirits, these long ships are an awesome site. Their devastating impact is soon to be found right across Europe. Back in England, in the wake of the attack on Beada Hard and his men, Viking raids are on the

increase. A charter issued in 792 by King Offer of Mercia talks of fleets of sea-borne pagans causing trouble along the coast. 250 miles north, a year after Offer's charter, a Viking raid is about to take place which will send shock waves throughout the whole of the Christian world. It's June 8th, 793 AD. We're on the holy island of Lim Desfar, just off the northeast coast of England, in the kingdom of Nathumbria. There's a bleak, craggy beauty to the place,

lash by the winds and rains of the North Sea, it faces out towards a pewter horizon. A causeway connects it with the mainland at low tide, when the tide's in, it's completely cut off. Isolated as it is, Lim Desfar is an important religious centre. It's the shrine of the 7th

They wear the course woolen habits of the Benedictine Order, died black to symbolise repentance.

Today, there's a new arrival, a 15-year-old novice. The novice is shown around his new home by a senior monk. Like many early medieval monasteries, the sprawling abbey is a working farm. The monks

“grow wheat and raise cattle. The calves hides a valuable sources of vellum, a key component in the”

abbey's other main activity, the production of illuminated manuscripts. The novice is taken to the room where the scribes and illustrators work. The tonsured heads shaved at the crown, bowed in concentration.

He gays us in wonder at the gorgeous folios taking shape. Inside the church, a group of pilgrims

kneel before the shrine, a rich lord presents the abbey with a gold chalice, a sign of his devotion. The wealth on open display is dazzling. Gifts from esteemed pilgrims include gold and silver plates and liturgical objects studied with precious gemstones. But the most treasured object of all has been made right here at the abbey. The famous linders farm gospels enclosed in a

“priceless, jool-incrusted leather binding. It may seem strange to us that such valuable artifacts are”

not locked away in a strong room. But as far as the monks are concerned, no Christian would dare

up the church. It would mean eternal damnation. Abel summons the monks to worship, prayer and work, work and prayer. This will be the novice's life from now on. He is assigned to duties in the vegetable garden. On his way, he pauses at a cliff top to gays out to sea. Suddenly, he spots a few dark specs on the horizon. The specs take on shape, their ships. Other monks join him, tracking the fleet's approach. There's no doubt now the vessels are coming towards linders farm,

and the tide is in, which means the community is effectively trapped on the island.

“The boats have appeared from the north. As they get closer, the monks are able to make up the”

dragon-shaped prowess riding the waves. The square sails two are distinctive, brightly decorated with animals' symbols. These are the long ships of the Norsemen. Soon the ships are close enough to hear the perrocious roar of the men sailing, and to see that they are armed. The monks can make up the shields arrayed along the sides of each boat, round and colourful with an iron boss in the centre. Some of the monks run in terror towards

the church. God and the bones of St. Kuthbert will protect them. But the young novice remains rooted to the spot. He stares down as the shallow killed boats hit the beach speed. He sees the Norsemen leap out, their leather boots striking or thumbry and territory. In their hands, they grandish axes, swords, daggers, bows and arrows. A delegation of senior monks has gone down to the beach to find out what the men from the boats want. The Norves watches in horror,

as they are ruthlessly shrugged down. One of the attackers looks up, clearing up the Norves. The boy finds his feet and runs to join the others inside the church. A hail of arrows hits the door. Soon after a violent hammering begins, axe blade smashed through the wood. The boy hides behind a pillar and watches as the attacker's charge at the defenseless monks and put them to the sword. Blood washes across the floor.

The air is filled with the sands of slaughter. The crunch of blades on bones, the prize of the dying, and the wolf-like house of their killers. The raiders vandalize the church and gather priceless objects. They even dig up the altar and drag that away. As a final blasphemy, they ripped the jewel cover from the Linda's farm

The Norves is yanked from his hiding place. Certain that he is about to die,

he utteres a prayer to God.

“Perhaps his prayer is answered. The Viking spear his life for now at least.”

He's bound in chains and loaded into a boat together with other survivors. The Norseman pushed their ships back into the water. A very different future awaits the Norves now. Anglo-Saxon intellectuals, like the cleric Al Quin, struggle to make sense of the horrific incident.

A revered holy shrine destroyed by heathens, the monks murdered and trafficked into slavery.

In one letter, Al Quin writes, "Behold the Church of St. Cuthbin spat it with the blood of the priests of God, dispoiled of all its ornaments, a place more venerable than all in Britain,

“is given as prey to pagan peoples." According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,”

there were warning signs before the attack. It's full of potence. It's full of, you know, that whole drama of the natural world rises up in concert with these raids. You know, here there were dreadful sheets of lightning and dragons were seen flying through the air and there was terrible famine. Al Quin also mentions a bloody rain which fell out of a clear sky onto St. Peter's Church in York. Despite these ohmins, the attack on Lindisfan stuns everyone.

From the Viking perspective, everything went according to plan.

“The Vikings who came in, they got what they wanted, they looted, they took all the gold”

and silver that was held at Lindisfan and that was them sorted. There's nothing more complex about that. Lindisfan is also provided them with a business model that they can scale up, targeting remote holy sites, not just in England, but all across coastal Europe. This is a place where wealth has been stored up, where the elites sometimes are retiring to and giving wealth to monks that they have prayers for their souls after their death.

Monasteries like Lindisfan are isolated and vulnerable, often undefended. They may be protected by God, but that only works if you're a believer. As for the monks, they're not, these are the most fierce soldiers around. The Vikings to me are the ultimate opportunists. They're going to go where the potential is and they're going to go where it's easy. In the aftermath of the attack on Lindisfan, the four kingdoms of England are left reading.

Panic even spreads as far as the Frankish empire, where Al-Qun is living. In a dispatched

King-Ethred of Nathumbria, he writes, "Never before has such terror appeared in Britain."

In the next episode, the Vikings step up their raids, hitting more sites in Britain and Ireland, as well as Northern France. Their arrival there will plunge the Frankish empire into an existential struggle, Christian versus pagan, good versus evil. It will culminate in an extraordinary attack on Paris, led by the most famous Northman of all, Ragnar Lothbrok. That's next time. You can listen to the next two episodes of Real Vikings right now, without waiting and without

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