Why Is the DNC Hiding Its Own 2024 Autopsy?

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YouTube channel. But because the interview turned out to be much spicier than we had anticipated, we're dropping it here for all of you. Just to set up what happened, Ken reached out last week asking if he could have a chance to respond to criticism coming from some of us here at Crooked about the DNC's finances after it was reported that the Democratic National Committee

ended March with $13.9 million in cash, $18.3 million in debt for a total of negative

4.4 million dollars. The RNC by contrast has 116.7 million dollars in cash with no debt. Ken had also mentioned our past criticism of his decision not to release the full 200 page report that the DNC had conducted on what went wrong in the 2024 election, which he had promised to do when he ran for DNC chair. And again, when he sat down with me last August, we of course said sure, we'd love to have him on and hash it out. So we did. And I'll just say the reason I spent so much time

asking him about the report, also known as the 2024 autopsy, is not because I want to re-litigate every miserable detail of that election or figure out who to blame, it's because of this. Ken and the DNC supposedly commissioned a massive project where they interviewed party leaders, strategists, organizers, activists in all 50 states about the 2024 election. What went wrong, what went right, what they learned from voters, what they learned from the reams of data they had

access to, what they learned about how to make sure we win next time. They supposedly did this for almost a year. They supposedly wrote up a 200 and some odd page report, and then Ken Martin announced in December that actually DNC leadership wasn't going to let anyone see what they found, and they were instead going to tell the rest of us the lessons that they, DNC leadership,

“took from the report because, well, that's what I wanted to find out. Now, Democrats have massively”

over-performed and nearly every special and off-year election we've had since 2024. We have covered that extensively on the show. Thanks to Donald Trump's popularity, the party is in an excellent position to not just take back the house in the November midterms, but maybe even the Senate. But as we learned in 2018 and 2022, midterm elections and special elections and off-year elections are just very different from presidential elections, different voters, different turnout,

different stakes. 2028 would be much harder, just like 2024 was harder than 2022, just like 2020, was harder than 2018 and so on and so forth. The Democratic Party's popularity is still at record lows. In the idea that we shouldn't have access to a full report about what went wrong last time. Based on interviews with some of the very same people who will be responsible for

winning next time is absolutely bonkers to me. That autopsy isn't the most important thing,

need to have about how to win in 2028. Not just a few of us, not just Ken Martin and the DNC leadership, not just the party insiders who think they know better than the rest of us roofs, all of us, who not only want to win, but will have to live with the consequences of what happens if we lose.

“We should all get to say too. So that's what I try to ask Ken about and you guys can judge his”

answers for yourselves. Here's Ken Martin. Ken Martin, thanks for doing this. Yeah, thanks for having

me back on, John. It was great to see you the other night at the grinder party of all parties. It was amazing.

I know I wish they hadn't run out of alcohol by the time I arrived, but that's either here nor there. Quick bit of context for listeners. This all came about because you expressed some frustration about criticism of the DNC coming from our direction. So I appreciate you coming on to talk about it directly. I'll just say upfront, we share the goal of making sure Democrats win everywhere, especially the White House in 2028. I also very much understand you've got one of the hardest

jobs in politics that you took at an especially tough time for the party. But I do want to press you on some specific things because I think the stakes are too high not to. Is that some fair? Sounds great, John. Thank you. I appreciate it. So I want to start with the 2024 autopsy, which you call an afteraction review. When you won the championship in February of 25, you criticized the DNC's refusal to release their 2016 autopsy. It's exactly what not to do. You said quote, "Was there any utility

in doing that?" And then promised your 2024 autopsy would be different. Your exact quote was, "Of course it will be released. Why did you change your mind on that?" Well look, I mean what I said all along, even when I ran for this position is that we were going to focus on the things that will help us win the upcoming election, right? Making sure that we

“learn the right lessons that could help inform our victories. And that's what we've done. We said this”

when we sent out the press release back in November. Saying we weren't going to release the report. We were going to actually keep our focus on those lessons. And we released those lessons. We continue to do that. And it's important for me, instead of naval gazing and looking backwards and trying to re-litigate 2024, I don't know about you, John, but I don't have a time machine. I don't think you do. No one does, so we can't change what happened in 2024. The only thing we can do is actually change

what happens in the future, including the 26 election cycle, 28 and beyond. That means we do need to learn the lessons. We need to make sure they help inform our decisions that we're making. And we've been releasing those. We released them just a couple months ago in our playbook, which if you want to look at that, go to DNC.org/playbook and you can get an example of some of the lessons. We've been releasing them with our donors and with activists and party leaders. We've been

talking about what those lessons are. And we've actually been putting those lessons into action. And so it's not completely accurate to say that we didn't release that. Where we're keeping our focus is on the lessons that can actually help us win. But on this show in August, you told me this about releasing the review quote, "We have to do it to give people who invested so much time, energy, and money, a sense of what happened and why we lost." Correct. Especially why we lost.

So what change between August and December, I understand there are lessons, but those are not the full report. Why not release the full report? What's in the report that you wouldn't want?

Well, first half of the public says. Yeah, there's no smoking gun in the report. And I know that's

“that's what everyone's so eager to learn it. I think this smoking gun. Guess what, John.”

But if there's no smoking gun, why wouldn't you just release it then? Because we want to keep the focus on the lessons. Because what ends up happening here is that people, of course, want to weaponize the report in a way to look backwards to point fingers, place, blame, and a way that actually doesn't keep us focused on the upcoming election. But instead, the naval gazing of focusing backwards actually takes us backwards.

We're a hundred and eighty-nine days from the selection, John. What we don't need to be focused on is actually re-litigating 2024. What we need to do is learn the lessons of 24 in the years preceding that can help us win this upcoming election. That's why we've been releasing them. That's why we've been focused in on actually putting those lessons into action. And there's nothing that I told you in August that is inaccurate. We've been sharing those lessons out with donors. We've been

talking about this with party leaders and activists and others and organizations and campaigns. It's no surprise to, and I get it. I get it. I get why people are obsessed with it because there's various groups and organizations and people who think there's some sort of smoking gun in there.

Guess what, John? In the third closest presidential election in the last hundred years,

everything mattered. There's nothing to impact that election.

stuff, and doing this report in the first place, if you weren't going to release the full

results of it. I don't get why just you and some of the senior DNC people get to see it, but not most of the DNC members who are state party chairs. More than a dozen DNC members told NBC just the other week, they want to release including Congresswoman Dealer Ramirez, North Carolina Democratic Party Chair Anderson Clayton, and Anderson said, quote, "Genuinely, what did you all find that we did not?" How did you answer that question? What we've found is the things we've been

telling them, both Anderson, Dealer, other folks who have concerns about it. We've shared all of the

“lessons with them, right? And so again, I think John, the reality is as you're proving my point here,”

right? People are obsessed about this in a way that continues to turn them away from wanting to

focus on the lessons, and instead thinking that there's some sort of smoking gun in here that's

going to give them the one single reason that Kamala Harris lost the election, or the one single thing that we should have done differently, that's going to actually help us win in the future. There is no one single thing that costs Kamala the election. There is no one single thing that we can do to help us win the upcoming election. There's a number of lessons for sure that will help us win in 26 and beyond. But again, I understand what you're saying, John. We'll just have to

agree to disagree on this, because we have already started to put those lessons into action. I'm proud of the results of what we've seen over the last year and a half since I've been elected. We have significant wind at our back, and we're going to continue to move forward. And we're going to continue to put those lessons we've learned in the action, and I hope others will start to do the same. Yeah, I'm just trying to figure out because it certainly doesn't seem like anyone's

looking for one single silver bullet, because it's a 200-page report. So I feel like on a 200-page report, there's a lot of lessons for everyone to take, and if you're going to operationalize it,

“then I think the question is, are you operationalizing it on behalf of people who didn't actually”

get to see the report? Do they know what they're agreeing to when they operationalize lessons from the report if they haven't been able to read the report? John, you're proven the point. What's the point? The obsession on the report without actually focusing in on the lessons. If people believe there's something, there's some sort of magic silver bullet in there that's going to solve all of our ills at the Democratic Party. There's not. I don't think there's going to be

a magic silver bullet though. Who thinks that? No one thinks it's good. That's such a no one thinks it's like magic silver bullet. It's a 200-page report. You interviewed people in 50 states. You spent a lot of donor money on it. I think people are probably wondering what's been a lot of donor money on that. And that's in accurate. I spent a couple hundred thousand dollars on it. No, we did not. It was a free report. We did not spend a couple hundred thousand dollars on that.

The person and people who were involved in it were not paid to do this work. And so I would just say, that's in accurate, John. So I appreciate, I'm not sure where you would even get that number. And so did you have some sort of record that shows we spent any money on that? I've seen reporting that you did spend money on it. Yeah, for sure. Okay. Well, that's an accurate. Okay. The first thing we asked to do this is an unpaid advisor to the DNC. And so I appreciate, listen, I appreciate where

it's coming from, John. But let's just trade in facts on this. The reality is as we did talk to

hundreds of people. It was an exhaustive exercise to really get at what are those key lessons. And I want to be very clear. There's nothing that changed from what I said on the campaign trail to now, which is a week on the camp, when you were on the campaign trail and you talked about definitely releasing an autopsy and criticized the DNC for not releasing an autopsy in 2016. What in your mind, in your mind, you thought I'm going to do one, but only release certain lessons

and not the full report? No, what I said at the time is exactly what I've been saying now, which is we have to focus on the things that help us win the future elections. We have to focus on those lessons. We have to do this exercise by the way of conducting this analysis so that we actually learn what happened, not just in 2004, but in the years proceeding that, John. And so that's where our focus is. I mean, the challenge is to think about this as an executive summary of like you said

“a 200-page document. And I think what we've put together and what we learn, we are sharing with people.”

So they have full insight into what we actually need to course correct on as we go into these final 180, 90s left and into the future. So again, are you going to release, you mentioned an executive summary, are you going to release an official executive summary? Make it make that public? We've been releasing that, John. That's what I've been saying to you.

for sure, but I know that NBC News said that before Easter, about a month ago, you told DNC officers on a call to expect an executive summary in short order. Officers on that call told NBC, they still haven't received one. You told a North Carolina DNC member who was drafting a resolution to force the reports release that a summary was forthcoming and he backed off based on that promise. So you've been saying it coming weeks on the executive, like, when can people expect an

activity? We've not been sharing that with a number of folks and we'll continue to share it with

folks including the DNC and other people. The reality is we're not hiding the ball on this. We have

been sharing those things out. Happy to get you over what we have been sharing out, John. The reality is that there's no smoking gun here and as much as people would like to keep focusing in on those pieces, what they're ignoring is that we're sharing out the lessons. We have been incorporating those and we have actually been putting those lessons into action, which I'm most proud of. Look, we are a hundred and eighty-nine days away from this election. You said on the top end of

this that you let you care most about, it's helping us to win elections. Okay, let's focus on the elections coming up, John. I want to focus on winning them. I feel like an autopsy on what went wrong and when we lost the popular vote in all those states in 2024 and figuring out what went wrong based on a big report is pretty important for everyone to know. I've spent my entire career, John, as you know, since 1990, winning elections up and down the ballot, both in Minnesota and across

the country. I appreciate it. And I'm happy, I'm happy to talk to you about winning elections.

“If you want to actually talk about elections, I'm happy to talk to you about those. But again,”

you're proving the point to that. I think many folks, I think are frustrated in this party, which is people want to turn backwards to re-litigate the 2024 election, to point fingers, to place blame, to need to learn less than what you said. Well listen, to win elections, if they want to win elections, I'm happy to share what we learn in the way of the lessons on why we lost the 24 election and the years preceding that. Happy to share those. We're sharing

those out with everyone. But again, this conversation doesn't help us actually win elections. All it does is continue to turn people inward. What we need to do is focus on the work we need to do in the 189 days. Learn the lessons. And I'm happy to go over what those lessons are. I'm happy to go over with anyone who wants to talk about them, John. But what I'm not going to do is release a report that turns everyone backwards, trying to either point fingers or place blame,

and actually ignore their own responsibility and helping us to fix the situation. The reality is,

you know, we all have a responsibility. Yourself, myself, everyone, and actually learning those lessons focusing on the upcoming election, putting them into action so we don't repeat those same mistakes.

“That's what we've been focused on, John.”

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Washington Examiner that there's a "financial penalty" specifically tied to burying the autopsy because donors want a clear accounting before recommitting. The DNC is entering April with negative net cash on hand. So even on your own, you know, standard of does this help us win? Is it possible

“that the autopsy decision is actually costing you the money you need to win? That's just an”

accurate, John. And I'm sure you follow the campaign finance reports like I do. We raised $105 million in 2025, a record amount of money for the first year. You're not, you're not, you're not, you're not having negative cash on hand right now. You don't, you don't have debt. That's made a negative cash on hand. We also, we do have debt, John. And that's because I took out a loan last year to make sure we could make deep investments. You know what we've been doing, John? We raised a record

amount of money, $105 million. It's the most raised for the first year of any DNC chair in the

history of this party. And you know what's great? What's great about it? We raised in 2017, which is

“analogous year, year right after a presidential loss, Tom Perez raised $40 million less than what we”

raised this year. He didn't have the debt that you guys had. He had $76 million in debt. And so my point, my point to you, my point to you is this, John. Okay. I mean, we can trade in all of this, but let's actually trade in fact, $105 million was raised. $85 million of it came from grassroots donors, which is a record amount of grassroots donations raised in the history of the Democratic Party. That shows the energy that's out there. The average contribution is $51 by the way, John.

And, you know, we raised more than any of the other committees last year, the DS, the DEECCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCCC Detriple C. And I will just tell you this, all of the Republican committees raised more than the DNC. And so, that's just a reality of coming out of a year when you lose the presidential election, when they go to the party, that's out of power. Of course, you're going to not raise as much money as the Republicans. But to suggest that we're not raising money as an accurate. We raised 32 million. We raised 32 million ours in the first quarter. But what we're doing, that's a little different, John.

Mm-hmm. Is we're spending it. We're raising it and we're spending it. Because one of the lessons we learned. We're spending more than you have. I mean, so you guys have 13.9 million cash on hand, right? By the reason the report, 13.9 million cash on hand, 18.3 million in debt. So that's roughly negative 4.4 million dollars. And I know it's a tough environment for the party out of power. But the D.S.D.C. and the D.S.C. and the Senate candidates have plenty of money. They're all doing great. So it seems like this is an issue unique to the DNC.

That's not accurate, John. Listen, we're part of the DNC.

The reality is we're spending money as we raise it to win elections and to build infrastructure. We have invested significant amounts of money, record investments in Virginia and New Jersey.

Investments in Mississippi and their state legislative races to help them flip these states. The Republican supermajority in their state legislature. Investments in Miami mayoral race to help us win a democratic elected mayor in the first time in 30 years. Investments in the PSC races in Georgia to help us win the first two non-federal elected races statewide races in 20 years in their history. Investments throughout the country up and down the ballot and investments in infrastructure including the largest investments ever in a 50 state party strategy.

We're making the biggest investments in building out the infrastructure of our state and local party committees. You know, one of the lessons we learned by the way, John, from the last election is that we waited too long to spend money. In fact, the Republican Party started in 2020 right after Biden won that race. The Democratic Party packed up the campaign infrastructure. Trump and the Republicans kept going. They kept spending money. They kept organizing. They kept communicating with voters. We did not.

And as a result, they had a three and a half year long head start and going into the 2024 election. We had 10 million Democrats who actually chose the couch instead of voting in 2024.

“And part of the reason why is because we weren't communicating with them early and often. What did the Democratic Party decide last year to start doing?”

We have our local listener program that's already engaging through year-round organizing those voters who dropped off in 2024. You have to spend money to win elections.

But the old conventional wisdom, John, it doesn't fly anymore. The old conventional wisdom is that you waited to make investments until the final three months of the election because that's when people are paying attention. Well, guess what? That's bullshit. It's shown. We have to start early. We have to build that infrastructure. We have to flex that muscle early of having conversations with voters so that we actually position ourselves to win.

“Now, are you criticizing me for spending money early? Because that seems to be what the thing is and guess what?”

No, no, no, I think it's great that you're spending money early. And I think it's very important to invest in state parties. I think a 50-state strategy is extremely important. But we're talking about two different things. We're talking about spending money and raising money. And you raised $11.4 million in March. The RNC raised double that in March. And so if you're going to spend that much money, obviously you have to also raise the money too because otherwise the difference between investment and just running your costs and taking on a loan because of that is doesn't seem like a much of a difference difference to me.

It's not all running our costs because we're able to make these investments all throughout the country.

And race after race in our state party infrastructure, in our local party infrastructure. You know, if we weren't able to keep up in terms of building out this infrastructure, then there would be a problem. We've won over 90% of the elections on the ballot. And most of them, if not all of them, we had a direct involvement in. And I just say this to you, John, because you know, it was a bet we made. And I get it. You know, again, all the folks in DC, what they like to, they seem obsessed about and they spend a lot of time thinking about is how much money do people have on hand versus actually what are you doing to build out the infrastructure to win.

And what is a role of a political party, John, at the end of the day, our job is to build infrastructure that our candidates can tap into to do the things that isn't the most important job of a DNC chair to go and raise money. And obviously like the. That's what the job of the DNC chair is singular. It's to win. And guess what I've been doing the last year and a half win. And guess what I did for 14 years in a very purple state win, John. And I'm just telling you right now, I think you and others who continue to bet against the DNC.

“That's what. Here's a reality, John, we're winning. And we're winning because I'm defying the investments you're making or not. I mean, obviously there's a difference between off your elections and midterm elections.”

And what it's going to take to build the kind of infrastructure we need to win in 2028, right? I mean, I just think that that's that's it.

It talks a lot about investing in state parties. The headline number is $20,000 a month per state. My understanding is that also includes like the democratic party of Guam and the party of the Northern Mariana Islands who get the basically the same check as Pennsylvania or Wisconsin or North Carolina. I get that every state and territory has DNC members, every one of them voted in the DNC election. You won, but it's also a real chunk of money that's flowing to places without federal races. I just wonder if you have this much debt, is like that the right allocation of money to be giving it to state parties in Guam and Northern Mariana Islands when Axiose reported that there's also contemplating layoffs at the DNC.

There's no, again, John, you're just throwing out a bunch of garbage. We've never had the report. We've never contemplated layoffs at the DNC. I haven't laid anyone off since I've been a DNC chair. And so I just want to be very clear with you again in your listeners because you're just repeating garbage, you know, pot shots at the DNC.

I'm used to taking the pot shots, by the way, you know, and I think they mistake that to you and others make is, you know, somehow I just don't care. I came to this job for one thing, which is to win.

If it wasn't for you, but you think that's the state party allocation to like the Guam and everything is worthwhile allocation to. I think it is a worthwhile allocation because when we organize everywhere we can win anywhere. And it's important for us not to just focus on federal power at the expense of state and local power.

“This is where I'm challenging the conventional wisdom of all these smart people in Washington, D.C. here, which is that the only thing that matters is control of Congress and the presidency.”

My job is to help us win everywhere, to build power up and down the ballot throughout the country, including in our territories. And so you and I can just disagree on whether or not those are investments that are worthwhile. I believe they are worthwhile. It's important for us to actually build power for our party and our party values everywhere there's Democrats and we're going to continue to do that. And so whether you think that's a worthwhile investment or not, that's fine. You can take your check back if you don't believe it's a good investment, John, but let me just say this. The role of the Democratic Party is to build infrastructure everywhere so that we can win.

Every candidate whether they're running for school board or president relies on that. We spend over ten million dollars a year on that, John.

That's a critical piece of the infrastructure that people rely on without the DNC. They would have to do that on their own, all of these candidates. Our voter protection and legal infrastructure that we build.

“Every committee and every candidate relies on us to be out there filing lawsuits and protecting the vote. We filed over a thousand lawsuits, which is a record number of lawsuits over the last year alone, right?”

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[Music] You mentioned the voter file. There's been a talk that a meaningful chunk of the DNC's debt traces to the committee buying the Harris campaign's voter file.

“Is that accurate? Did you guys buy the Harris campaign's voter file?”

No, that's not that didn't happen. No, you're talking about buying a fundraising list by that's not a voter file. The fundraising list. Yeah, did you? Of course, you're just that.

I just wanted to put the rationale for that because it feels like the DNC and the Harris campaign were operating up largely the same data infrastructure during that campaign. So what did buy in the list? You're confusing two things, John. Data infrastructure and fundraising list. Those are separate things.

And again, but even in the fundraising list, you guys didn't work up. That was additive.

They're fundraising list for $6.5 million was additive to that that was a good investment.

We purchased that list and let me just say this, John, that happens all the time in campaigns and elections as you know.

“Oh, I know it's just a big chunk of money that's why I was just wondering.”

Well, as you know, John, that happens all the time. So it's not unique to this DNC. It's not unique to prior DNC chairs. It's not unique to campaigns or elections, frankly, campaigns and elections, campaigns at the end of an election sell their list to cover their debt. And so there's nothing, nothing new about that, John.

And of course, that's one of the biggest list and the most valuable list out there. It's a great investment for the DNC. I'm trying to actually help us raise money so we can compete so we can win. And that was not only a great investment, it's already paid for itself. You know, and we're glad to be able to do that.

And you know, we buy lists all the time. That's what people do in this business. Yeah, look, look. Here's the reason I'm just being so tough about all of this. I just think that what I have seen happen before is especially in off-year elections, midterm elections when we have the wind at our back.

And I feel great about the midterms, I feel really excited about the off-year elections too. As we head towards 2028, look, I saw this in 2022. We did well enough in the midterms and democratic insiders by administration. Everyone else were saying, you know what? This proves that we're going to win in 2024 and we're in great shape.

And I just, and God, I hope so because I think we need to win 2028 more than anything. But it is, it concerns me that I see two things. One, this autopsy, which you campaigned on releasing and I know you're releasing lessons. But our hiding still plenty of the details in the autopsy. And I just can't figure out what details that are in there that you don't want out there because you don't trust people with because they're going to, I guess, argue about them.

Because it feels like we really need a robust discussion about where the parties headed. Not just pundits like me, but the State Party chairs and the DNC committee members were asking you to release it. They're asking you to release it. They're asking you to release it. I know you want to keep focused and on that and that's fine.

Well, I'm seeing it and I do think that that affects the fun raising isn't going well either.

You had a great first, you had a great first year in 2005.

“And we've had a great first quarter, 32 million dollars we raised in the first quarter.”

We raised four million dollars in March, then Tom Perez did in 2018. We have to exclude that. That's excluding that. That's excluding that. We have to be percent more cash on hand than Tom Perez did.

But you're excluding that. You don't have 50 percent more cash on hand if you include your debt. Yes. John, we do because we can pay that debt off whenever the hell we want. I could hold that debt until the end of the year.

So the reality is there's nothing that's holding me back in terms of the cash I have, the cash on hand I have to spend it on elections.

I can carry that debt all the way through the end of this year and beyond if I want. So that's just an accurate. I know you know campaigns, but you're just spewing stuff out that's just wrong. So I'm just saying that I saw that talking point about this. That means I'm more on it based on that.

It's not a talking point.

“We raised 32 million dollars in the first quarter.”

Okay. We have 15 million dollars on hand. We're able to spend that money on continuing to build our infrastructure and to help us win elections. Okay. And we've continued to raise money.

Nothing has slowed down.

In fact, the fundraising has picked up significantly since even the last November's elections in 2025.

So listen. And I know the grassroots fundraising has been great. I know that for sure. I can see that for sure. I just, there's plenty of reports about this.

I've talked to plenty of people about this that a lot of the big donors still have not come off the sidelines. And part of the reason is that there's a trust issue based partly on the autopsy. Yeah. I just not see in that, John, and I appreciate that. And you know, I don't believe that to be the case. Maybe you're talking to donors that I'm not.

I highly doubt it, but the donors I'm talking to who are holding back. They're not holding back because they're frustrated with me. And they're not holding back because they're frustrated with the DNC. It's just the opposite.

“And so I think people see that we are actually putting into action the lessons we've learned.”

We're actually building the infrastructure we need. We're competing up in the down the ballot. We're making the investments throughout the country to make sure that we're organizing everywhere. I mean, part of the challenge, John, is we talked about this on the show before. That this party for years and this is why Iran for it has had a very myopic vision of just focusing in on one campaign cycle.

One candidate, one campaign at the expense of a long-term strategy. And for us to break out of that, we actually have to have a long-term strategy. And that requires us to build through the lens of building long-term infrastructure. And so, you know, you're damned if you do, damned if you don't. If you throw all your eggs into one basket, which is one campaign or one campaign cycle,

then you've built nothing permanent. Or if you do as I am, right, which is to start building the permanent infrastructure we need to have a long-term strategy, then you get blame because you don't have enough cash on hand to compete with the Republicans.

Well, the reality is, we've been competing with the Republicans and building the long-term infrastructure at the same time.

And so, what I would ask you to do is just think about this differently. The old conventional wisdom of how we do campaigns. I came in here and as I said, I'm challenging that conventional wisdom. I'm challenging the idea that we just invest in the final three months at the expense of a long-term strategy. I'm challenging the conventional wisdom that we just focus on federal power at the expense of state,

expense of state and local power, right? I am challenging the conventional wisdom that we just focus on seven battleground states at the expense of the rest of this country. So, I get that that frustrates people, John. But guess what? It will pay dividends.

It already is both in the short-term and it will pay dividends in the long-term as this map shifts underneath of our feet in the next four to six years. So, I say all this. I get where your frustration comes from, right? But as I said, you know, and I get it. You know, there are people including you and others who are in a different place on this chair's race.

But since I've come here, I have one. And you can't ignore that fact. We have one. I would go and ask you to talk to Eileen Higgins, the mayor of Miami. I would go and ask you to talk to Alicia Johnson and Peter Hubbard, the new PSE commissioners in Georgia.

I would go and ask you to talk to Mikey Cheryl in New Jersey. I would go and ask you and talk to Abigail Spamberger in Virginia. I would go to ask you to talk to Taylor Remett in Fort Worth, Texas. And many, many other campaigns and candidates that we've helped over the course of the last year and a half. Because what they will tell you is that the DMC was critically involved in those races.

Was that a good investment? I suppose by some people standards know because we just don't -- we're not hoarding our money for the November election to win back control of Congress. I want to make sure you guys have enough money. And I know there's fundraising issues that you're being -- our NC raised nearly doubled in you guys. So I want to make sure you have enough money.

So I just want to make sure you guys have the money. We're not matching Republicans. There's not matching Republicans.

“Every Republican committee outrays their counterpart.”

Our NC -- Not by double is the -- you guys in the RNC. I hear you vote.

We raise $32 million to their $56 million or $54 million.

I'm going by the March numbers, which is 11 to 21. But I hear you. I hear you. All right. Well, I appreciate you coming on.

I appreciate you answering these questions.

“And I do hope it was interesting to learn that you do still plan on releasing an executive summary of the full after action report publicly to people who want it.”

That is coming soon. I guess.

We've been releasing those.

We've been releasing them. You've been releasing an executive summary. Or you've been doing individual. Yes. We've been releasing those lessons.

The lessons are the summary. That's we've been releasing those since the beginning of this year. And briefing after briefing. We published them in our playbook as I mentioned. We'll continue to release them.

So if anyone wants to see some of that work already, go to DNC.org/playbook. And you can see how we're already putting those lessons in our action. We'll continue to do that, John. I mean, that was my commitment on Iran. And that was my commitment when we talked last.

Is that we were going to help make sure people understood what lessons we needed to learn going into this election. We'll continue to do that. So thank you. Thank you. Thank you.

Ken Martin for joining us always.

Thank you, John.

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