How Trump is Using the IRS to Resegregate America

It's back to school season. And this year, five million children across Texas are going

“to be greeted by the 10 commandments in their classrooms. Texas politicians passed a law”

requiring the 10 commandments in every public school classroom forcing their religion on every kid in those schools. 20 families in Texas supported by Americans United for separation of church and state are taking the fight to the Supreme Court. And we need you to amplify their voices before the Supreme Court gets its hands on this case. We've already talked about on the podcast how the Fifth Circuit decision allowing this practice was total BS. I mean, it had to

like in the 10 commandments to basically look a poster. Almost suggesting, "Oh, what, you trigger

it lives?" But the reality is, there's a human cost of Christian nationalist policies like these

10 commandments laws, as well as the decisions the Supreme Court hands down. Public schools are supposed to be accessible to all. They're not supposed to be instructing on the states preferred

“religion or the state's edited version of scripture. Visit AU.org/10c to learn more about this case”

and how you can help join the fight to protect church state separation. Let's keep that this place forward. It's no joke, but when I argue, man argues against a beautiful lady's like this, there's going to have a last word. She's small, not elegantly, but with unmistakable clarity, she said, "I ask no favor for my sex." All I ask of our brethren is that they take their feet all far next.

Hello, and welcome back to Strix Group Me, your podcast about the Supreme Court and the legal culture that surrounds it. I'm your host today, Melissa Marie, and the court is still on summer recess, which means that we at Strix certainly are still keeping summer hours, which means that I am delighted to be joined by a fantastic guest host today. So please welcome, Rashad Robinson, Hi Rashad. Hey, Melissa. It's great to be with you. We are in the midst of greatness. Rashad is

an expert political strategist, a media advocate, and the former president for the amazing change organization color of change. For over a decade, he designed and executed winning campaigns that shifted corporate behavior, performed the criminal justice system, and advanced racial equality. And right now, he's on a book tour throughout the United States promoting his recently release book from Presence to Power. There it is. How to take on the fights that matter and win.

“That's the important part. In the book, Rashad argues that visibility and having a seat at the table”

aren't necessarily sufficient for true social change. They're good to have, but what you need is visibility, a seat at the table, and structural influence. This book provides a practical framework for actually building that kind of structural influence and creating the opportunity for lasting systemic victories. All to say, I cannot think of a better person Rashad to join me today to break down this week's legal news and help us think about how we move beyond our current moment,

because what a moment it is. Absolutely. Absolutely. So good to do with you. It's so good to do this. Yes.

Okay. So here's what I have on tap for today, Rashad. We're going to start with us discussing

some legal news, including the Trump administration's plan to use the IRS and tax exempt status to resegregate American education, because why not? Make America great again by going back to 1953. After that, we are going to bring our listeners a fantastic conversation that Kate Leah and I had with Nicholas Booye and Daphne Arran about their new books, supremacy, how rule by the court replaced government by the people. The book is out tomorrow and we cannot recommend it enough.

And as always, after that book interview, we will end things by talking about our favorite things. So Rashad, think about some of your favorite things from this week that you want to share with our listeners. But let's get started with the news because there is a lot of it. So listeners, we've been covering all of the court's summer shadow docked shenanigans and this week was no exception. Because on the Friday of Labor Day weekend, exactly the kind of time where you would want to

bury a big news item, the Supreme Court decided to release another shadow dock at ruling. And predictably, this ruling was another big win for the Republican Party ahead of the midterm elections. Let me set the scene for you. On June 30, 2026, the Supreme Court issued a decision on its merit stocket in a campaign finance dispute called National Republican Senatorial Committee

coordinated expenditures by political parties on the ground that the challenge law that

“restricted that kind of coordinated expenditure violated the first amendment rights of political”

parties. When that decision was announced, Leah Kate and I said that it would have real impact on campaign spending in the run-up to the midterms. And low and behold, your favorite Cassandra's were absolutely right because on the Friday before Labor Day weekend, this court decided to issue a shadow dock at ruling where it's cited its recent decision in NRSC versus FEC. And this particular shadow docked decision concerns the new guidance that the federal communications commission

media bureau issued in March 2026. So what did that guidance do? Well, traditionally, under federal law, political candidates are guaranteed deeply discounted

ad rates in the weeks leading up to an election. But the new guidance that was issued in March

2026 extended those discounted rates to certain party coordinated ads, not just to individual candidates. And predictably, Democratic candidates across the country took that personally, four of them, representative Kristen McDonald, Rivet of Michigan, Senator John Ossoff of Georgia, Sherrod Brown, who is running for a Senate seat in Ohio and Roy Cooper, who is running for a Senate seat in North Carolina, all join forces to file suit challenging the new guidance.

These Democratic challengers sought expedited review at the fourth circuit, which they received, and where they prevailed. The government, with the National Republican Congressional Committee and the National Republican Senatorial Committee, as interveners, decided to go to Daddy Scotas to ask voters to please stay the fourth circuit ruling at toll and fear to us. And shocking nobody, Daddy Scotas granted the requested relief, concluding that the fourth circuit

lacked statutory authority to hear the case because the FEC had not yet issued a decision on the candidate's application for review. Of course, the candidates went to the fourth circuit without waiting for a decision from the Commission, because one, it's pretty clear what the Commission's ruling on its own guidance would be, and two, the election is literally in a couple of months,

time is ticking, and this is a pretty critical question. All to say, the court also determined that

the Republican Party committees had demonstrated that if the lower court ruling remained in place, they would suffer a reputable harm because they would not be able to access the more favorable average. Quote, thereby hampering their efforts to reach the electorate in the critical weeks leading up to the midterms. The court, again, citing its June decision, NSRC versus FEC, said that this injury would quote "implicate the GOP committee's first amendment rights to speak and coordinate

their political activities freely." Because that is really what the first amendment is for, making sure that ads are deeply discounted for political parties. And again,

“this is such a big deal, Rashad. I think it's getting absolutely no play at all. What's the impact”

of allowing parties, and the Republican Party in this particular case, which already enjoys a huge asymmetry in campaign funding right now against the Democratic Party? What's going to happen if they now have the opportunity to coordinate these ads with deeply discounted rates? And it absolutely gets to shape what is possible. In this current cycle where so much is baked in around who the candidates are and what the race looks like, what we're going to see is it creates less opportunity

for mistakes on the Democratic side. Whether or not you can really hire folks, whether or not you can sort of mount a real effort, the type of range of issues that actually get covered. Similar to what's happening with jury-mandering, this actually sometimes dictates the term of the actual election, whereas like it may feel like elections will still happen. People will still run for office, but who gets to run, how it's shaped, all gets determined by how much money

is in play, and the trick that we've got to really pay attention to is right now where you have an election where the Democrats might actually have their win, the win that they're back in some of these places. And we can't sort of take maybe wins that come under these unfair rules for believing that the rules are not actually fair. And that's the biggest mistake that we can have is that like some Democrats win even under these unfair rules. And we think, okay,

well, we figured out how to like, the playing field is level is not actually level. And so, you know, one of the things that happen sometimes oftentimes with Democrats sort of win in these type of situations is that they don't they don't go back and get the structure reform that they actually need to get. They kind of continue to try to operate in the system to sort of

“figure out how do we raise money from the corporations that we need? How do we get the big donors?”

And I was just at a big donor fundraiser that a friend of mine had. I didn't have the money to like,

lawyer. And it was, it was interesting being sort of at this event where they were asking for

“400 and something thousand for the coordinated campaign. And it was a DSCC event. It was for”

us if they were asking for. And then you could, you could max out your 3500, but you could also go up to 400 and something thousand for the coordinated campaign. And I was just thinking like, who can actually really legitimately participate in engaged in ways that are meaningful. And how many people now get kind of put out from the process and how many people's voices actually are just outsized as a result. It's such a good point. I mean, one, obviously this decision

applies to any political party. So if the Democrats, and again, this goes to your point about not reforming the structural and systemic asymmetries, the Democratic party could be in a situation where it, well, outperforms the Republicans in terms of fundraising and they are in the driver's seat. And maybe they would want to do these kinds of coordinated ads. So I want to make that clear. I understand that this could apply on both sides. In this particular election, it really

doesn't because the Republicans have actually outraged the Democrats by quite a wide margin. So there's a huge campaign finance asymmetry at play here, which surely this Supreme Court recognizes. But the point that you're making, why do we have these asymmetries in the first place and does this court decision merely exacerbate a playing field where certain voices sound louder and sound in a louder register than others? Like maybe this shouldn't be the state of our

politics and the first place. I mean, if the first question is always going to be from the

from the coordinating committee or for the head of the party in the Senate or the house is like, who can raise enough money to be competitive? Not who has the best ideas? Not who can galvanize people and engage, but who can raise money? We start to really limit what-- No, that's such a great point. This actually puts more hands in the party central organizing as opposed to individual candidates and makes the importance of the party much more outsized,

more so than it already is. And yeah. And what we've seen over the last several years is you know, insurgent candidates, exciting younger people, and citing helping to sort of move people who might not be registered to vote to actually register and feel passionate. And if more of the power gets centralized with the party and the party apparatus, that will not be a good thing for democracy. And it certainly won't be a good thing for the type of wave elections that are going to

be necessary to truly get to the numbers that are required for us to be able to win structure before and where we get enough actual seats in the Senate, where we have enough power in the house, where we have enough people on our side. We don't get to that if money really limits the range of debate, but also limits who can actually run. Strix Newtonese brought to you by Cozy Earth. I'm psyched to tell you how much I love Cozy Earth.

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That's code scrutiny for up to 20% off on home and sleepwear. And if you see a post-project survey, please be sure to mention that you heard about CozyEarth right here. This episode is sponsored by Better Help. If I could wake up tomorrow and be better at one thing, it would probably be, I don't know, putting things out of my mind, like just being able to compartmentalize stuff, so I can chill and relax without having to do everything I can to handle it immediately.

If I could choose a second thing, it would be small talk. Not great at it, not good at it,

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in order to allow the president to restructure the election to be completely in the control

“of the federal government. So, on Sunday, September 6, the Trump administration filed a shadow”

document request to have the Supreme Court clear the way for the new US Postal Service rules on the president's executive order relating to quote unquote election integrity to go forward. Just to refresh you, the court had earlier granted the administration's request to stay a lower court's injunction barring the implementation of the so-called election integrity executive order on the ground that the challengers claims were not yet right because the USPS had not yet

promulgated rules for implementing the EU's terms. Well, the USPS issued those rules predictably and the lower court weighed in. And now this question is back at the court for what will likely be the final showdown on this executive order. The administration's request was referred to

Justice Jackson, who is the circuit justice for the first circuit where this case arose,

and Justice Jackson says speedy timeline for this requiring responses on the petition on Wednesday, September 9th. We are taping on Thursday, September 10th, and it's likely that we will get some kind of decision here. So, we're still watching for that, and maybe we'll break in at some point later in this taping Rashad to have some breaking news on that front. But regardless of the court's decision here, the fact that this has dragged on for so long and has been such a back and forth

between various courts and the Supreme Court, this is surely unsettled some voters who might be inclined to vote by mail, who may have to vote by mail because they have jobs or they're away or whatever. Are there going to be real impacts regardless of how this turns out on voter turnout

on the Democratic Party's ability to turn out its voters? And if you were on the ground in

many of these states that are in the cross here, so these are all the purple states that maybe swing states for this president, what do you do to galvanize voters in this moment where everything

“seems so unsettled and there's so much chaos? I think first, you have to tell a really clear”

story to the people you're reaching about why there's so many attempts at making it harder for you to vote and what these folks goal are, what's behind it. I think you're going to have to pick a really clear and have a really clear answer for people that may have to change. A very clear message? No. People don't understand that people don't understand fascism, people don't understand what it means. It actually has to get way more specific. We have to get it down

to like kitchen table issues, in my opinion, that, you know, Donald wants to prosecute a worth Iran and your gas prices are going up and they want to allow that to continue happening. Absolutely. For the people that fascism works, they're already going to be paying attention and they're already going to be with us. For the people that this is going to be one more thing that makes it confusing and they may throw up their hands. It's one more sort of step in the process.

You know, listen, I've been dealing with this for a while because, you know, back in 2020, you know, when the need to go up to Shirley and I thought, and I, the three of us in our organizations had won a lot of rule changes at Facebook in terms of how election disinformation and census disinformation would be handled on the platform. Donald Trump went on Facebook and sort of launched into a whole tirade about vote by mail being illegal and marks Zuckerberg.

Even though he votes by mail, even though he votes by mail and marks Zuckerberg did not pull down those posts, even though we had set these policies and they kind of like had this sort of Trump exemption. They had all these policies, but anytime Trump violated them, whether it was something around like, you know, the looters and shooters posts he did around the Ferguson's activist when the looting starts, the shooting starts, all of these like violations of the policies.

“And I remember being in this meeting with Mark and Shirley and Vinita that I talk about in the”

book where Mark was trying to explain that like vote by mail wasn't was under contention and maybe not actually legal to Shirley who was like, you know, you don't get to tell me about how voting actually works. And like, Shirley and I fold is a lawyer and a litigator for many years. That's Zuckerberg made a great app. He made a great app and he didn't actually finish some to grant. And and there's like, and there's he didn't go to law school and I was at the

as the not lawyer in the room, you know, very much trying to sort of just, you know, backup how it would be sort of how would implicate on the ground, but they, but Mark also votes by mail. And we see all of these folks, right, that he doesn't show up to his local, the local school down the street in Palo Alto to vote. And so we ended up in this in these roundabout conversations,

you're going to fund a school and then not actually funding it. Oh, it's heavy. It's heavy. It's

“it's like it's what happens. It's what happened. And so I see all to say that this level of”

mis-indist information and confusion around vote by mail, something that his like that people have done for decades, that it's just, it is happened and it has worked and it is a process and it is used by rich people and people with a lot of power. Well, it used to be used by Republicans. This was for military voters who are abroad. You know, once again, when the rules don't favor them, they change the rules, whether they're actually trying to reach the voters and engage the voters.

And so this is a problem that there's so much sort of uncertainty around how you can vote

and where you can vote and the process. And it will put one more extra burden on already taxed

organizers and an environment where we are sort of under the gun. But also, these attempts are happening because they know that they are behind the roof. They know that they are on the ropes. They know that they're not going to be able to win. If they don't, you know, go on TV and promise people $5,000 or something crazy. And so that is, that is what we are seeing. We are seeing the behaviors and the antics of people who are losing and don't actually have a legitimate strategy

“to reach voters to win. Well, the point about the chaos, I think, being the point, I think is a”

very good one because where there is chaos, where there is confusion, people aren't going to go out.

I mean, it's already hard, I think, to vote. Like people are like, what do you mean? It's hard

vote. It actually is really hard to vote, figuring out your precinct and then you're precinct moved and this, that and the other and then you, you know, they make it hard, right? Like we don't have a national day for voting other systems do. They make it hard. This kind of chaos makes it even more difficult to sort of figure out what's going on and to exercise your right to vote out. Where I think this chaos is even more pronounced is in the Show Me State, Missouri. So get ready. This

one is a doozy Rashad. So in other election-related news listeners, there is some shit going on in Missouri and it involves our friend Coach Kavanaugh and I don't even think it's his fault. That's the best part. For once, it may not be Brett Kavanaugh's fault. Listeners, you know that the president has this whole scheme to maintain control of Congress and keep Republican control of the House of Representatives because impeachment and that scheme involves doing a little

totally normal, not at all unprecedented or on Orthodox mid-cycle redistricting. Well, the GOP and Missouri were all on board to give Daddy Trump exactly what he wanted a new congressional map from Missouri that eliminated one Democratic congressional seat. And on September 3rd, when this map was challenged all the way up to the Missouri Supreme Court on a range of issues, including the Missouri GOP Secretary of State's refusal to put a ballot referendum on the ballot

to address whether or not voters in Missouri wanted this new map that was drawn at the behest of Donald Trump. On September 3rd, the Missouri Supreme Court issued a decision blocking the state from using the new Trump ordered maps in the upcoming midterm elections and requiring the state to use the older map from 2022. That was the one drawn in the traditional decennial census. So what usually happens after the census, you redraw the map. The Missouri Supreme Court said,

“"You can't use this new Trump map. You have to use the older map that was drawn in 2022."”

And predictably the state's GOP led by its Secretary of State, Denny Hoskins went to the Supreme Court to try and block the ruling. And again, the whole point of this is wild. They're like this is totally unfair. People use the new maps in the primary. He totally lives out the point that the reason why people were using the new Trump ordered map in the primaries because he did not put on the ballot for the election, the voter referendum. And in Missouri,

there is a constitutional provision that apparently says you cannot have the new maps go into effect if there's a voter referendum that would say, "No, you have to wait for the referendum to be voted on." And because he dragged his feet on the referendum and then just allowed the new maps to be used, he's kind of responsible for the mess that he created. That doesn't matter though, to our friend, Denny Hoskins, because he decides he is going to go to the United States

Supreme Court to try and get the Supreme Court to block the Missouri Supreme Court's ruling.

A circuit and Coach K without even referring the matter to the full court, just denied Denny Hoskins

request. Snap, like, this was not Denny Hoskins. It was open where he was basically like,

"I'm not about to get involved in Missouri State Constitutional matters. I am Brett Kavanaugh, and I am not in it." He was out. So then Hoskins and the GOP in Missouri decide to file a Hail Mary suit in the Missouri Federal District Court challenging the use of the 2022 map in the upcoming midterm election. And again, the rationale is that using the old map that was drawn after the decennial census in the traditional manner would disenfranchise voters who,

because of Denny Hoskins' own machinations, voted under the new Trump ordered map in the primary elections. Again, you cannot make this show. But I will also say the Missouri Supreme Court was totally on to Denny Hoskins. They made sure to note in their September 3rd decision that, quote, "The secretaries delay in certifying the referendum for the ballot, created the confusion, expense, and practical difficulties of which he complains."

Shorter, Missouri Supreme Court, sit show, ask down. Anyway, okay. Despite the fact that Hoskins was complaining about lying at a bed of entirely his own making, Trump appointed U.S. District Judge Stephen Clark issued a temporary restraining order that appears to require the use of the new Trump ordered map in the upcoming midterm election cycle. So let that sink in from it. A district court judge is now saying, "FU to both the Missouri Supreme Court and the United

States Supreme Court," or maybe just coach Kavanaugh. But basically, a lot of middle fingers

being shot here. Okay, lot going on. And again, the United States Supreme Court basically said, "We are not going to second gas the Missouri Supreme Court's decision." So this is two high courts. The U.S. Supreme Court and the Missouri Supreme Court getting bench slapped by a district court.

“Like, you hate to see it. This is some stuff. This is like dynasty level." So where do things stand now?”

Well, a citizen's group that opposes the Trump ordered redistricting that's called people, not politicians intervened in the case, and they are appealing Judge Clark's T.R.O. ruling to the aid circuit. At the aid circuit, a panel of three Republican appointees, including two Trump appointees, David Strauss and Justin Smith, ruled that the district court's T.R.O. requiring the use of the new Trump ordered map could remain in place. So they refused the interveners request for a stay of Judge

Clark's T.R.O.O.O.O.O. The interveners are now headed to the U.S. Supreme Court to try and get a stay and an administrative stay of Judge Clark's T.R.O. pending an appeal. And again, there's so much stuff going on here. The Missouri Supreme Court has taken all of this personally, and they have issued an order for Secretary of State, Denny Hoskins, to show cause as to why he should not be held in contempt of

court for violating the Missouri Supreme Court's September third decision and oral arguments on

that question or heard on Thursday morning. I wish I had been in that courtroom because that was going to be a bench slapping of epic proportions. So we're waiting for the Supreme Court's ruling,

“we're waiting for a bench slapper from the Missouri Supreme Court. Rashad, what does this mean?”

If you are a voter in Missouri right now, are you just like confused beyond belief and maybe just sitting it out and watching your stories at home on Election Day? I think you are absolutely confused that you had one set of options in the primary that don't show up in your general that strategically they've gotten us in this place now, where we are fighting to keep maps that were great in the first place. Yes, right. And so like, and so now we're like in this place, it's like, oh we old maps, let's keep

the old map. Yes, the twenty-two maps to be very clear. Yes, we're that great. No, they weren't, they were twenty-six, yeah. Absolutely. And so and so now they've just moved, they've changed the floor and the ceiling on us. We're now we are like fighting for something that we don't even want to, you know, that we didn't like in the first place. And so this is once again the type of confusion, the type of chaos, the type of things that in this election cycle is what happens when folks

don't actually have a plan to actually reach voters, engage voters, and convince them that their

“policies and their leadership are the things that people should get behind. So I think it's a”

such an important point. The don't have a real plan for getting us out of the economic mess we're in. They recognize that there is malaise among the voters. And instead of just trying to convince people, they're playing dirty. I mean, and I do think the chaos is the point. I mean, this is such a reason moving literally. And the district court facilitating it. I mean, this is why the idea of the

is just wild. I mean, like people are out of their minds, but there's so much chaos. I think that's

kind of the point, right? Where there's chaos, that too is an active way to suppress the turnout. You know, and as a non-lawyer who sits at this and looks at it from the outside, the forum shopping that happens with these cases of like, and this is not just in this situation, but so many of these cases where folks are going out trying to find a judge that will step in

“and do the thing, and that's a lot like higher. But I think they've got a lucky break getting”

a lucky break here, yes. And so helping the public even understand like, you know, Brett Kavanaugh says this, the state Supreme Court says this, we've got a federal judge that says this,

it feels like you need a PhD in civics to even understand sort of like, how does this all work

and how, and how does this even make sense in terms of like who's actually has the final say, and in the end, like, what gets implemented and what gets enforced by who, like, who holds the actual power in the end? What should Democrats and Missouri be doing right now? Democrats and Missouri should be doing everything they possible again to like explain why they are doing this? Like, I literally drew a close heart for this. Not the details, not the particular details

“of of the court case, but the underlying reason of why they don't want to like operate under the”

rules that they were already winning under. They were winning under in Missouri. They were winning under the old rules. They, they controlled statewide office. They controlled the legislature. They controlled sort of the state as a whole. And so the fact that even with all of that control, they still had to change the rules because they have failed so badly in terms of their leadership that they needed more sort of a sort of a deeper unfair situation in it.

And this precedent needed more, right? I mean, it's like all kind of goes down to his effort to restructure Congress to prevent control of the house going to the Democrats. Yeah. And so, you know, the redistricting that he's calling on all the states, it almost

“feels like a parody of itself. It feels like something that would, that if, you know, 10 years ago,”

15 years ago, someone had wrote this up as like a screenplay. It would probably get said back is saying it was just too unrealistic. So listeners, as promised, we knew that there would be some breaking news. And of course, we got a decision on that question about what map Missouri is going to use in the upcoming midterm elections. The court, this Thursday afternoon, once again, prevented Missouri from using the Trump ordered congressional map in the November election. The

state will have to use the 2022 map, the traditional map drawn after the 2020 census. That map again as Rashad and I just mentioned is not fantastic, but it does have the advantage of keeping in place a seat that traditionally has been held by a Democrat in the Kansas city area. So Secretary of State, Denny Hoskins and the Missouri GOP have been thwarted. The Supreme Court has any very brief order decided that Missouri's Supreme Court's decision will stand. Before we go to break, I have some

great news from the Crooked Universe, because folks, we are so excited about the launch of Crooked's newest series, Still Counting. Hosted by the excellent journalists who brought you the 538 podcast. There's a ton of data information just coming at us all the time and a shocking amount of this data is manipulated or misunderstood. Guess what? Nate Silver, Claire Malone and Gayland Drew have spent their careers breaking down political polls and data. And every Wednesday evening,

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Taxes and fees extra. Initial plan term only. Greater than 50 gigabytes, may slow when network is busy, includes up to 20 gigabyte hotspot. Gable Bull device required availability speed and coverage varies. See mint mobile.com. For you, this one involves the IRS and the new regulations that, in my view,

are basically a plan to re-segregate American education from K through 12 all the way up to college.

So, settle in folks. It's time for a little strict scrutiny history. So, listeners, in the wake of the Supreme Court's 1954 decision in Brown versus Board of Education, which desegregated America's public schools, the South engaged in what was known as massive resistance. TLDR, the former Confederacy, wanted to continue doing a little light Jim Crow. One of the ways that southerners dragged their feet on integration was by creating what were known as segregation academies. So these were all white

private schools that served as alternatives to integrated public schools. And one of the things that made these SEGA academies so attractive to many Southern families was that they were relatively affordable, even though they were private schools. So, how's that, you say? Well, many of these SEGA academies actually operated as taxed exempt organizations, meaning that the federal government gave them a tax break because they were a quote unquote charitable organization. And because money

is fungible, the money you save on paying your taxes can be directed to your operating costs allowing you to lower the cost of attendance and keep tuition relatively affordable. It was such a good model that it even migrated to higher education. So Bob Jones University in Greenville,

South Carolina basically operated as the higher education analog of a SEGA academy. You love to see it.

All right, there is one wrinkle here. So by the 1970s, the IRS get hip to the fact that money is fungible and they're basically subsidizing discrimination. And so they decide that private schools with racially discriminatory policies will not qualify as tax exempt charitable organizations under section 501c3 of the internal revenue code. In 1971, just a year after these IRS regs took effect Bob Jones University, low and behold, began admitting black students. But

only if those black students were already married to someone of their own race on married, black applicants, or still rejected and not admitted to Bob Jones. That changed in May 1975 when following additional legal pressure and some court rulings against racial exclusion in private schools, Bob Jones University allowed unmarried black students to apply an enroll. Very big of them. But Bob Jones University still drew the line at permitting interracial marriage and dating on

campus. And the IRS took that personally revoking the schools 501c3 status. Bob Jones took that

IRS regs prohibiting tax exempt institutions from discriminating violated their freedom of religion

“because, according to them, the ban on interracial dating and marriage was rooted in their”

fundamentalist interpretation of the Bible, shorter Bob Jones. Jesus made us do it. In 1983, the Supreme Court issued an eight-to-one ruling against Bob Jones University upholding the IRS's power to revoke the tax exemption of institutions that are engaged in discriminatory practices. Well, folks, fast forward to 2026 and the IRS under the auspices of the Trump administration has now issued new regulations that it maintains are in the spirit of the Bob Jones decision

as well as consistent with the Supreme Court's 2023 decision in students for fair admissions versus Harvard. Under the new regulations, an institution's tax exempt status may be revoked if the institution engages in race-based discrimination. There are some notable exceptions. The proposal, the IRS website notes would not prevent a private school from maintaining a religious mission curriculum or program of religious observance. Religious schools may continue to

select students based on genuine religious affiliation or membership to remain consistent with federal law. The IRS website goes on to note that the proposal allows schools to continue expanding educational opportunity to assist disadvantaged students using race-neutral criteria,

such as family income, geographic location, first-gen status, individual hardship,

military family status, or academic achievement, one awarding admission, or financial assistance, they may not make decisions or confer benefits on the basis of race-color or national or ethnic origin. So here's my question. What counts as making decisions or conferring benefits on the basis of race-color or national or ethnic origin. According to the New York Times, which covered the regulations, this could include quote-offering targeted support to black or minority students.

By my reading, that could be anything from scholarships that are intended to target minorities or to recruit minorities or even sponsoring affinity groups for underrepresented minority cohorts.

In reporting on this, most of the media outlets have really focused on the impact of these proposed

regulations on higher education. Again, that's not surprising given how diligently this administration has prosecuted its zeal for reading higher education of quote-on-quote wokeness and illegal DEI. As we know, this administration armed with its own breathtakingly broad reading of SFFA versus Harvard, a reading I should add that no court has credited. The administration has sought to dismantle DEI throughout higher education from admissions criteria to affinity programming for underrepresented

“groups. But here's the thing that no one is covering. This is probably to my mind the most impactful”

aspect of these new regulations. They will also implicate K through 12 education. So these regulations apply to all tax exempt institutions, including the thousands of private schools that provide K through 12 education for millions of American students. And I get it for many many years. These private schools were regarded as the bastion of the preppy elite. But over time, they've actually become much more diverse serving a wide range of students. And indeed, in the era where

public schools are increasingly segregated, I'm looking at you, New York City, public schools. Private schools have actually become onclaves of racial gender and socio-economic diversity and that is largely because many of them have incorporated the programming that's needed to support a diverse cohort of students, like student and parent affinity groups, scholarship funding to recruit certain groups of students who are otherwise underrepresented. Under these new

“regulations, I think these kinds of interventions would prompt the revocation of tax exempt status.”

And taken in that view, I think these regulations have the potential to utterly remake education from K through 12 all the way up to college, turning the dial back to a time when American education was truly racially divided in every sense. And the irony of all of this is that the administration is using Bob Jones University versus the United States to underwrite this. The administration says all of this is consistent with Bob Jones University. As though

having a black student union is exactly the same as prohibiting interracial dating or marriage on your campus. Again, I'm not saying that these regs couldn't be challenged. I'm not saying that if they were challenged, the challengers wouldn't prevail in a court, you know, part of the Bob Jones decision says that the institution's policies to be found problematic under the IRS

that having a black student union violates national public policy. But I don't think we have to

get to a court case for this to be impactful. All you need is a bunch of schools whose entire financial model is predicated on being a tax exempt organization. They will roll this back just because they don't want the smoke from the administration. They don't want to take the chance. And once they roll this stuff back, they're not bringing it back again if it's later determined that these regulations were wrong. So we're shot. This is a lot to get your mind around.

If the media isn't even covering the K through 12 aspect of it, how do we get ordinary people to understand what is it say? Because I want to be really clear. If these are proposed regulations,

there's an open public notice and comment period where the American public can weigh in and say

what they think about this and whether they support this. How do we get people to understand that we are literally going back to 1953 with these? Well, I think we have to talk about that we are going back to 1953. We can't talk about this as IRS rulemaking. We have to talk about this is what does this mean for my kid's school? You know, I have a lot of experience in this, particularly in this sort of rulemaking process and mobilizing public comment.

Whether it was sort of at the FCC around net neutrality, whether it's been around many of the sort of mergers, the AT&T, T-Mobile merger, or the Comcast merger. And in each of those situations,

“you have to get very clear to the heart of sort of what's at stake. So like what does this mean”

for my kid's school? Sort of getting to the lived experience and then helping people sort of

understand what the public comment and rulemaking period actually means and what it doesn't mean. And being able to mobilize enough energy to like make sure that it impacts like how politicians show up, how the media shows up, what stories you can collect, how you can build a large enough public response and engagement because the role period in and of itself doesn't mean not actually mean anything if you don't surround it. Yeah, with the type of sort of energy and public outreach.

But you know, in the neutrality fight, which once again is a very sort of complicated issue of like the Communications Act entitled to and making sure they kind of ways in which internet is classified, is very different than sort of making sure that the content that I want to see is and held back or throttled by the internet provider. And getting really clear about that, I think

“is important. I think they're counting on the fact that people are going to look at this and be like,”

oh, it's Harvard or if you think about K through 12, they're like, it's private schools or everybody talks like this and everybody wears a mask on, it's like buffing. But this could affect charter schools. Like, we are seeing the increasing privatization of K through 12 education as more and more parents, including minority parents, what diversity for their children and they're not finding it in public schools because of the re-segregation of American public schools. Like,

it actually isn't an elite problem. It's a bigger problem, I think, than many people appreciate. And, you know, the investments that has really gone into like getting black parents and black organizations and churches on board with things like vouchers and charter schools. Like that, this is a moment right for that to be called out, right? For those folks to be engaged that people have been sold a story that, you know, is quite problematic in some respects about sort of

what a voucher program or sort of a full charter program would actually provide at large. But people have one of the best for their kids. And in many cases, have walked through this process only to get to this point of watching sort of public resources be privatized and now we're at this place where like, you know, many of these people that have sort of taken this opportunity are going to perhaps be shut out or not actually get the things that they thought they were going to get.

“You know, your point that I think is is really important. And I see this in my advocacy work as a whole,”

is that when the administration sort of goes down this road, particularly around diversity, all of the sort of compliance and advance that happens. That is sometimes even worse than the actual policy. The changes that happen, you know, many of us who run advocacy work right now, you know, in order to get certain grants, you are partnered with a lawyer that the foundation wants you to work with, right? And I have been on the other side of these calls where the will

have a plan or a project, you know, get the feedback from the lawyer and I have to ask go back, you know, I love my lawyers and I and they will just for the audience. And they will say things.

will say things like, you know, I don't think you want to do that particular thing because you

might be explaining your strategy. So let's say I want to put out a newsletter about the issues that I'm working on around diversity with a bunch of groups in there. And the lawyer might say, you may not want to put all that out there on paper because you may not want your opponents

“to see what you're doing. And my question is like, is that legal advice or strategy advice?”

Is that is that legally not the thing I should do or are you making a strategic call because the lawyers now have outsized power over the advocacy that we're doing. And so with every single advocacy step that we have to take has to go through a set of lawyers that are not looking at all of these things, even through a legal framework, oftentimes through a risk-assested framework. What ends up happening is so much of the sort of creativity, the advocacy, the pushback

can be really reduced because we are now trying to avoid risk. And if you're starting from a place of avoiding risk, no great social change, no great sort of movement that has like overcomes something, but we're already starting with your keen junior was not a management consultant. No, he was not a management consultant, but our movement's not allowed in this sort of management consulting, risk assessment of like in a lot of the sort of creative projects and plans that have

come in many of these schools to attract diverse students and to support parents, have not come

through the lens of first a risk assessment. They've come through people trying to be creative

to solve a problem. And what we're going to end up with is that all of these things are going to be about risk assessment and we're going to actually lose the innovation that actually leads to the type of things that actually help us solve real problems. And for those of us who care about social change at progress, that's so going to be a real problem because on the other side, what we're watching is them take all sorts of innovative steps to do whatever they can to throw

all sorts of things at the wall in order to be able to stop us from being able to have inclusive spaces. And on our side, we are doing deep risk assessment to not like harm or upset the apple car. And that in of itself means that we are starting from a place of loss, from a deficit, from a place and not from a place of aspiration and push. And that also means it becomes harder to mobilize our people, get our people excited because if you are, you don't get people excited

about risk assessment. You get people excited about plans and projects that they are willing to stand up and fight for, even if they may be risky. That is how advocacy and activism works.

“And that's how it attracts people on to our side. All right. We're shot is going to stay with us.”

But next up, Kate Lee and I are going to talk to Joffner Rennon and Nicholas Booley about their new book, Supremacy, how rule by the court replace government by the people. Strix scrutiny is brought to you by Wilda Laskin Company. One thing that adulting means is not having to eat those mystery, white fish school, un-type meals like white gray fish type meals where you have no idea what kind of fish it is,

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Dafton Aranan to discuss their new books supremacy, how rule by the court replaced government by

the people, which is out tomorrow. Nico is the Louis D Brandeis professor of law at Harvard Law School and a former law clerk to Justice Sonia so to my ear. Daftonia is the Peter B. Monroe and Mary J. Monroe professor of law at Harvard Law School and a former clerk to Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

“Welcome to the show Nico and Daftonia, although I think it's technically welcome back to you Nico.”

Thanks so much for having us. Yeah, thank you for inviting us. Well, we're delighted to have you and together, the two of you have spent several years developing a comprehensive challenge to the major separation of powers narratives that have fueled the rise of judicial supremacy. In 2022, you published a really

influential article in the Yale Law Journal titled Separation of Power's Counter Revolution,

which documented how, and I'm going to quote here, "Modern Separation of Power's Law is premised on a misunderstanding of what the separation of powers is." It is a great article, I've assigned portions of it in my constitutional law courses, and it traces the rise of the flawed understanding to the lost cause myth that emerged in the late 19th century when an ascendant white south violently returned to power after the Civil War and was hellbent on ending

reconstruction. And your new book, supremacy builds upon that important work. It offers a fascinating and an argue urgent new history of the Supreme Court, and it's a history that challenges a lot of our most basic assumptions about the court's role in our democracy, and it also shows how the immense power that the court now wheels was seized, a kind of power grab by the court rather than given. The book starts with a striking claim, quote, "the United States Constitution

was written in the name of We The People," yet we have lost the ability to give meaning to its words. Instead, nine robed lawyers have claimed the power to make the rest of us live under whatever rules they say the document requires. You then go on to describe how quote, "the Supreme Court has played a starring role in the unraveling of our democracy." Nico, can you elaborate on some of the

“courts' threats to democracy and rights that you had in mind when writing this book? Sure, so I think”

a good illustration of the problem is the Boding Rights Act. So even before Congress passed the

Voting Rights Act in 1965, 100 years before Congress wrote a 15th Amendment designed to protect the ability of black people to vote, and the Supreme Court interpreted it so narrowly that states for years enacted laws like literacy tests or poll taxes or other restrictions that basically disenfranchised the Southern Black population. And when Congress passed the Voting Rights Act, it was after people like John Lewis, Marxden Selma, Marxden, you know, died in the name of winning the rate to vote,

Congress debated it at length, and they enforced the 15th Amendment differently than how the Supreme Court had interpreted the amendment to that point. And the statute was incredibly important, it extended multiracial democracy throughout the country. Future Congresses in 1970 in 1982, read a firm to the Voting Rights Act by the time Congress, most recently, re-enacted the Voting Rights Act in 2006, it was just an overwhelming vote signed by George W. Bush. And yet, in 2013,

five justices decided that the Voting Rights Act was not constitutional, or at least a key component of it wasn't. Just as past term, the court has finished off the rest of the law, and the question our book asks is what gave those five justices that kind of power? Why is it

“that we can have this incredibly important statute that Congress has passed over and over again?”

But five people claimed this authority to declare that statute unconstitutional. And it's not as though there's anything in the Constitution that says you can't have a Voting Rights Act. The language they're interpreting is Congress compests, you know, appropriate legislation. So it's kind of who gives them the authority to say what is and is not appropriate. So one of the points that you make really emphatically in the book is that there are real dangers associated with the courts, interpretive,

dominance, and obviously the Voting Rights Act is a great example of this. You say it in this way, quote, this form of government has a name, judicial supremacy, and although Americans treated as if it were natural, something expected by the Constitution's authors, accepted uncritically, since the Constitution's ratification in reality, it is anything. But Daphne, can you elaborate on that I think a sort of upending of the conventional wisdom that this isn't something that was

given or conferred to the court is actually something the court has affirmatively taken for itself and expanded over time? Yes, absolutely. This is something that the court has taken for itself, and Americans across history have pushed back. So we start with the anti-slavery abolitionist

we want the Constitution to be an anti-slavery document that's foundational to our most deep and fundamental moral commitments. And the way to get there is we have to reject the power of the Supreme Court to have a final say over these kinds of questions. And so you see Frederick Douglass and letters with Garrett Smith kind of developing this theory of democratic

“constitutionalism that's saying the intentions of the framers are not what matters. The words”

of the Supreme Court are not what decide the meaning of the Constitution. What we need is a politics that will change who is in power in Congress and Congress has laws that it's disposal from the guarantee clause to a range of provisions in the original Constitution only amplified with the reconstruction amendments to give multiracial democracy genuine meaning in our country. And that was the vision of the founders of the Republican Party. That was the vision of the party of Lincoln,

the the creed that Lincoln brought to government that we see throughout reconstruction

Charles Sumner that he estimates we see the the embodiment of this idea manifest in the first civil

rights laws passed the first federal agencies that are administering what members call practical

“freedom, the first vote protections. And we see it again in labor leaders pushing back on the idea”

across the early 20th century that the court gets to decide whether what we have as a Constitution that focuses on the property rights of corporate power or that enables the labor movement through democracy to syndicate commitments through federal laws like an eight-hour work day prohibitions on child labor, federal income tax. We see it also in the arguments of early civil rights pioneers that are saying look we have these old statutes from reconstruction. They're still on our books.

And if we have a Supreme Court that actually is willing to enforce them we can syndicate these equal protection guarantees. So this is a vision this more democratic constitutionalism that we trace throughout American history. And that we offer is this this is our constitutional story. This is

“our constitutional tradition. And we don't need to imagine that Marbury began and ended the”

conversation. We'll get to Marbury in a second. But was this vision of democratic

constitutionalism that you are describing, a departure from the 1770 framers understanding of how the court would operate? No, I mean one of the surprising things that we found during our research is you know we went into it thinking of Marbury versus Madison the way a lot of people think of it where the Supreme Court announced it had this power to strike down and have some Congress and everyone was like great I guess it has this power. But what we found is as people first

made that argument there was a tremendous amount of resistance including among members of the constitutional convention you know James Madison later said I definitely did not intend that. As well as you know the members of Congress in the public who realized presently what it would mean because you know they had just written this constitution and voted for this Constitution that in theory empowered people to elect Congress to give meaning to what the

Constitution meant. There was no federal government in you know 1789 when Congress first met they

had to create the thing and to decide what can the president do? What does our court system look like what kinds of protections do people have? And they weren't just making it up on the fly they were defining what the Constitution meant. And when the Supreme Court in Marbury said hey we think we should be able to defy federal laws a lot of people resisted that or they just ignored it. And part of one lesson that we hope people who read the book the way with is the first time the court actually

disagreed with Congress about what the Constitution meant was not Marbury but red Scott. Red Scott was the first time that Congress said here is what we think the Constitution means. It means that we can ban the spread of slavery in federal territory. And the Supreme Court said no you can't we're interpreting the Constitution to say that's not possible. And it wasn't as though the Republicans or the abolitionists of the time just you know gave up and said I guess we have to

wait until you know the court members retire. It said who gave them this authority and if anything Congress has a duty whenever it sees the court issuing bad decisions or bad interpretations of the Constitution, Congress has the duty and the power to enforce an alternative interpretation.

in federal territories for precisely where Red Scott said Congress lacked the power to do that.

“So speaking of designing the thing I wanted to note first this is a rare summer episode where all”

three of us are here which speaks to exactly how much we love this book. Another testament is that I volunteered to do a giveaway for someone who is not a specifically co-host. So we are actually writing a giveaway if you get a copy of supremacy you can enter a giveaway the form will be on the show notes and enter to win some of the merchandise designed to reflect the book's inspirations I'm wearing a T-shirt it says overall judicial supremacy and there is also a mug so again if you

order the book before Friday five Eastern you can enter the giveaway on the show notes.

Can I win the giveaway because I did order my book and no I'll just give you one to you because

you are a co-host. Okay I would like to be on that list as well if you're listening and not watching it so definitely get on that if you happen not to be lucky enough to co-host the show with Leah or have a book. Or when the book I guess the authors get free of free shirts. Yeah everybody got it by the book to enter the giveaway. Okay so I want to pick back up where you left off Nico so you guys pose this sort of twin set of questions that you say the book aims to

answer. So first if the power of the court to review the constitutionality of federal statutes has been widely viewed as dangerous since the beginning. Why is it taken for granted today?

“Second when the court invalidated important federal legislation how did Americans respond?”

Now Nico you were just talking about in the wake of dread Scott. It's not as though everyone

said well the court is spoken like the answer is that Congress lacks the power to ban slavery.

Congress responded Lincoln when he was president responded it was not as though everyone decided that the question was settled. So I think you spoke in a little bit to that. What about the first question? Don't let me bring you in on this. So if it's been if this power has been viewed as so dangerous since the beginning as you were elaborating earlier why is it so taken for granted today that the court rightly possesses this power? Yeah so judicial supremacy or the power of the court

to set aside and invalidate federal statutes really takes on verve and regularity in a reaction

“to reconstruction that we describe as really a double helix of anti black racism and anti labor”

politics. So what we see is a rise of influential many of them are politicians who turn on the Republican Party itself and develop a kind of splinter party called liberal Republicans. Several of them are influential newspaper editors at the time that start to turn their back on reconstruction and to weave together a story that is the lost positive that originates in the south that kind of reckless Congress has turned its back on constitutional traditions

and run a mock in empowering multiracial democracy in the United States and they're weaving together this story with fears at the time of the Paris commune and the the growing in the north of a labor movement that's starting to see some of their statutory goals being met at the federal level and so you have writers describing multiracial legislatures in South Carolina as kind of the new Paris commune that has come to the United States and the the force that liberal Republicans

turn to to put an end to to all of this reckless democracy is the court because they're losing elections right so they're actually running for for federal office and and losing but what they have is significant influence on the court and the court during this time starts to just unwind the legislation of reconstruction and more generally to assert its power and its preeminence in regulating the boundaries between federal and state power and it's doing this in a range of

cases and it's doing this in an increasingly aggressive and muscular way and we lose what we had during reconstruction which was our Congress willing to tell the court now and a Congress willing to stop the court from putting in jeopardy its most consequential laws so during the height of reconstruction when the the landmark reconstruction acts that bring black suffrage to the south are in the crosshairs of the court members of Congress are debating how how do we protect our laws

from from the court do we pass a super majority rule that says actually you need a significant super majority of the court before you can set aside a federal law the author of the 14th amendment

to protect our legislation entirely we can say that the reconstruction acts are political questions

“and that the court shouldn't get to second guess them at all so I'm in trouble the author of”

the 13th amendment is putting that idea on the table and and ultimately what Congress does is it

an access specific jurisdiction strip so it prevents the court from being able to decide the constitutionality of reconstruction in the particular MacArthur case before it and the court then complies with this so what you initially had was a politics in a Congress willing to tell the court no and to tell the court we are we are protecting our laws and our interpretations of the constitution once you lose that political ability and the the narrative develops that actually

we need a court to protect our our property rights from democracy right and our we need to protect our white citizens from what has developed as it to to fix conception of multiracial democracy and in the United States the the court starts to wield that power with regularity

“sounds very familiar jaffner speaking of judicial power I think it's important I think to do”

some table setting in terms of definitions so article three of the constitution speaks of the judicial power and best the judicial power in a Supreme Court and the inferior courts that Congress may create judicial powers that quite the same as judicial review in fact the term judicial review is a relatively recent vintage out it was coined in the 20th century you argue in

the book that the completion of the judicial power with judicial review obscures a really critical

distinction between two ideas about judicial power one of which was settled by the constitution and the distinction that you are describing is what you term vertical review versus horizontal review can you explain the difference between these two types of review and why it matters for our

“purposes yeah sure so put yourself in the the shoes I guess of a number of Congress after the civil war”

so you have just seen one example of the Supreme Court striking down a federal law that was red Scott and at the same time there are all of these state legislatures who are full of people who are really hostile to the idea of franchising black citizens so on one hand the court is a threat it is a threat to federal legislation but on the other hand all of these states are you know in a position where they can really defy your legislation like new voting laws

anti-discrimination laws and other protections of civil rights and so for those members of Congress they argued that the role of the court is not to invalidate federal law which is really dangerous but it is to enforce that law against states or presidents or you know federal agents or anyone else who would violate it and that's the difference between horizontal review and vertical review horizontal review is this power the court has asserted to defy federal legislation

whereas vertical review is the court's power to enforce that legislation against others and so the constitution does say that federal courts have the judicial power but you know at the time the relevant courts that people were thinking about were English courts and English courts had

never had the power to strike down acts of parliament but what they did have the power to do was

enforce those acts of parliament against you know lower subordinate governments and that was kind of the argument among members of Congress when they tried to regulate the court because they saw the court's role as being basically one of enforcement and interpretation at least in terms interpreting federal statutes but in the you know in the you know in the wake of the court's assertion of this power to basically defy federal laws the the kind of thing that the court was doing

was you're pretty one-sided like if you think about what kinds of decisions was the court making with respect to federal laws there's um the the general counsel of the American Federation of Labor in the 1920s reviewed this question and he wrote this report about it and he was like this is terrible you know the court is saying Congress can't pass an income tax Congress cannot ban child labor Congress can't protect the rights of immigrants in states Congress can't protect

you know the right to vote it can't stop racial discrimination Congress can't prevent monopolies you know it was very one-sided and the members of the court were explicit about their goal you know

the minority we have in mind are property owners these majorities are out there trying to steal from them under the red flag of socialism and a desire job to stop them and so for the AFL their position as they put in their legislative campaigns was we want to stop the court from reviewing these federal laws but we want them to enforce these laws as they were intended we want them to enforce the anti-monopoly laws enforce the child labor laws enforce the pro labor laws because we're you know

we need a federal legislature that's capable of democratically legislating so I want to get into some of the history surrounding dreads got in particular and you know the rise of judicial supremacy and it's reinforcement of white supremacy just to give people a taste

“for you know part of this story so I think some people might be familiar with this many not”

there was actually a pre-dred Scott campaign to make this that is the lawfulness of slavery and Congress is power to ban it a question for the federal courts can you talk a little bit about that yeah and it was actually a very concerted effort by the president elect Buchanan as he's hitting ready to govern and he'd really like this question of whether Congress can restrict the spread of slavery to just go away so he writes a letter to his friend on the Supreme Court

and says can you guys just decide this as a judicial question and the initial response to he gets is probably not because it's a legislative construction that's been in place for a pretty long time but then he gets better news which is actually I think you're going to be happy with what we're going to do in this dread Scott case that we're sitting on then Buchanan goes before the nation and says I'm going to cheerly submit to whatever the Supreme Court does

and low and behold what the Supreme Court does is say actually Congress you don't have the power to limit the spread of slavery and federal territory because that would violate the property rights of in slaves and so the Buchanan campaign was let's let's this was a judicial question

and it's finally settled by the Supreme Court nothing we can do in politics about it

and and you make the point that he he basically just lies and says I don't know what the court will do I will abide whatever it is but of course he knew exactly what the court was going to do because he had a direct line it's not just that she's justice but he's corresponding with at least one other individual justice so that episode is wild and there is so much more like it in the book that we haven't had a chance to get into today so we're going to have to leave

“this conversation there but I think we've made pretty clear from just how incredibly current”

so much of these dynamics sound that this is much more than just a work of history it is incredibly relevant to conversations that are happening right now about how to respond to the Supreme Court's undermining of our democracy it is happening now it has happened before

and to talk about all of that and you go and Daphna will be back in the hot seat for a third

days episode of our hot skotas reform summer slash September so definitely don't miss that conversation. Niko Daphna thank you so much for stopping by to talk about the book we are all really excited for what you'll have to say about hot skotas reform summer listeners this book drops tomorrow supremacy how ruled by the court replace government by the people you can get it everywhere you get your books we are going to be getting our copies from bookshop.org but you can get it anywhere

“make sure you get one though incredibly important now today forever thanks so much for having us”

supremacy drops tomorrow it is a must read make sure you put it in your cart at bookshop.org

Rashad I want to come back to something that we do in every episode we always end by discussing

our favorite things I just want to say one of my favorite things is not just you Rashad but the first amendment right I love the first amendment and I am especially enamored of freedom of the press this idea that we have a media that can call our government to account what it needs to be called to account you recently kicked off your book tour from presence to power in New York City with Jane Fonda and Jane Fonda who continues to be a badass just relaunched what is known as the

one a committee so the committee for the first amendment which is inspired by the original committee that stood up to the Hollywood Blacklist in 1947 you've been working with the committee to address concerns about the imposition on First Amendment rights the growing concerns about censorship and of course the growing consolidation of media presence and power within certain media organizations and you've really focused on the potential consequences for the First Amendment that

may flow from the proposed paramount Warner Brothers merger what's at stake for ordinary Americans

of putting more and more power more and more of the the channels that reach people you know under the umbrella of a of a single family you know already owning CDS then we'll have CNN more more studio power it will reduce sort of the type of content that created the range of voices obviously will have economic impact but it will have absolute impact on sort of free expression of voice and we've already seen this family make really deep

overtures directly to the president directly to those in power about sort of what they will do with this channel we've watched the FCC do something that you know as a person who's been you know there on multiple mergers and comment periods and pushback the the sort of speed at

which the FCC moved you know on this merger was just you know like something we've never really

seen on the fact that we do have state attorney generals really speaking up is standing out

“I think is a testament to how unpopular you know Rob Bonta has been all over this in California”

he has been excellent and and even we are watching sort of astral turf campaigns sort of attack him go after him you know create lies about that they really can't defend attacking the opponents and they always do a set of these steps right they sort of lie about the actual facts they try to discredit those people that are working on it they they try to buy off opponents which they done and then they get to the fact where they try to find some sort of settlement that still allows

them to do all the things that they want to do and you know what's been really important about

the committee for the first amendment and Jane Von who's 88 and tireless and he's like she

want you to tell her age or she talks about it and she's actually she's a better man than I she she she she she's really about it she's a real one she is here she celebrates her birthday loudly

“and publicly and and she's and I think I I think about it as a I talk about it because I like to”

remind any of my friends who talk about being tired or talk about how the work is too hard I like to remind them doing the work doing the work and it's been clear about the racial justice implications the gender justice implications but we'll get on the phone and call any celebrity we'll get on the phone and call any media executive and you know she and I I was got to be her her date to the Oscars this past year where we went and we were buttons I know

it was kind of the most surreal moment of my life because you know you know like there would be no reason for me to go to the Oscars anyway but if I had somehow gotten to the Oscars nobody would really talk to me right like why would I be there um but like you're there with Jane Von and that everyone wants to come over and talk to you so you're there and like you know like you know usher in the co-kid men and all these people and Jane just not and Jane no I mean like they want to come

“over and they want to talk to Jane and Jane's like you should know my friend Rashad who's”

working on all these like important issues but we wore the we wore the the stock merger button and the white buttons and we went out and we talked uh really talked about blocking the merger and over time continued to sort of build energy of a merger that was supposed to just kind of

sail through and fighting to protect the first amendment fighting to protect the first amendment

is it abstract right if we talk about the amendment and yeah abstract but it actually has real implications on who owns the channels um who can be attacked and so and Jane has been there I was in LA when Dominam and was arrested and I called her that morning to say hey Dominam was arrested he's out here in LA for the Grammys and she was like well we're going down to the jail and I was like Jane um Jane and so and so we went down to the jail and she you know she went out

and she said they got the wrong dawn and um and uh and it talked about yes it talked about her history um with CNN um being with Ted turn around the time and what it meant to have 24 hour news and so her history her understanding of the industry her connection to people and her ability to speak and take risk in my opinion as an activist once again creates more space it creates more opening for others to raise their voice and we need that in this era uh the first amendment is

incredibly important but the first amendment needs an army it needs a defense it needs advocates and um and the committee for the first amendment is one of those parts of the first amendment

right so I'm going to start my favorite thing by saying that story about you and Jane Fonda

“like kicking it at the Oscars maybe my favorite thing this week I love that um also one of my”

favorite things this week is Rashad Robinson's from Presence to Power how to take on the fights that matter and when it is a fantastic practical practical guide for how we get out of this mess and I recommend it to all of you this week I also read a marriage at sea a true story of love obsession

and shipwreck by Sophie Elhurst truly amazing and just a reminder to so many women always choose

the bear if you get it get you a husband who's like let's go take a trip on a yacht around the world and we're the only crew girl pick the bear also want to say um I really really had a great time at Sarah Lawrence College where I was on Tuesday September 8th talking to those students about the constitution the school years just started there and I ran into some fantastic stricties in the wild so I just want to shout out how a day and Owen who are minors um how

Owen is a first year at Sarah Lawrence and they are great stricties and we really appreciate them so Rashad I'm going to invite you now to tell us about your favorite things yeah so um as a new yorker I have been enjoying as much as I can the US open and in particular sort of the um having three black folks in the finals you know the the fight to open up space and opportunity um you know isn't important changing the written and written rules I grew up on you know Eastern Long Island

the 80s and 90s and there was just such a clear message sent about what spaces were for you and what were for you and each of these each of these folks have had a different path to getting to these to these semi finals these are names for sure um yeah total frances Ben um and um you know like and you know cocoa frances and Ben each of them have had a completely different frances still still gasped about Taylor towns in two oh Taylor towns in two and and I love Taylor towns in and and

“all of all of them have had really have have really just opened up opened up I think hope and”

possibility and become a possibility model and I just I love that because you know activism and this work is not just like creating the space of opportunity but people have to then go into it have to make it their own have to show that it's possible and I was gonna say I tried to make 10

as my own it did not work not me me there it was never it was never another another one is adults the

TV show adults it's on FX um it is a show about Gen Z and I feel like it makes me feel like I'm 400 years old which I think is good for me sometimes because if yes every minds me like I'm not a young person which I think is healthy um but you know in this in this second season they um had a episode called the scrub where the 20 some things are having to sort of go on to their social media and scrub all of their content if they want jobs and figure out because they're unemployable for

these things right there they're on these platforms they're cold to like be themselves be authentic build brands and now they're getting to the place where they need jobs and they've like had these videos that you know or have these pictures and it's it's done in such a funny and interesting and a reverent way and it and you know the the five kind of five six yeah the five main characters are diverse and interesting you have a Muslim character sound Asian character you have a black

queer um character and that is also so rare to have a main character who's black and gay and gets to be messy and funny and annoying not not just not the sidekick the main one of the main characters it's like a it's like a it's like a friends five kind of like a friends in that way and they're all dealing with real economic uncertainty they're not living in a really fancy apartment in the village they are like living in a parent's house and they're all struggling to make

“ends meet dealing with healthcare issues and I think it's just an important show that sort of shows”

some of what's happening in this environment through a funny lens and getting to see you know you know these characters created and then the final thing is um a book that I have just started to get into but I am sort of like capture I've been listening to it and reading it but it's the disappears but by um by Marlene by the group by the great Marlene James who um you know absolutely a great Jamaican and one of my other dear friends who's also Jamaican is is one of the

readers of the audio book my friend Anna O'Kira who's doing the doing the first part of the

year and I was like talking about my book and you were like talking about things like

all I got Jane fond as my date I got Marlene James coming to my pride like what do I have I mean I mean I mean you have a come on but yes but no but I'm but he was talking about his book and I was like talking about book book and I and um and just and just like seeing the sort of just incredible piece of just the work of art that is this book and it is truly a work of art

“and it is like it is um something that I think is so needed and so necessary”

I'm in this moment and telling this story I just urge people to go out and get it I'm in and I'm doing listening and reading and I can't wait to get all the way through it but I just want to recommend it and recommend sort of anything by Marlene who's just in an incredible author

Rashad Robinson thank you so much for coming and helping me today on Strix scrutiny you are always

a delight listeners the book in addition to the disappears which again I highly recommend as well please also pick up Rashad Robinson's from presence to power how to take on the fights that matter and win this episode have been chocked full of great books supremacy by Nico Buwi and Daphne Reynon the designer of course the U.S. Constitution but I keep saying which I keep saying our books go together so they do well they go together so well like read the U.S. Constitution it

what will help you really understand how the rules work how the written and unwritten rules work how we get to like what actually how things actually are enforced and implemented and worked

“and then I think my book does help you think about then what do you do about it and so”

for you it is a constitution now yes now what present and power from presence to power and so yeah

I just thank you for having me it's always great to be in conversation with you so delighted thank you for

coming by hey Strictes I know that this episode has been chock full of fantastic books for you to read but I have one more our friend and crooked Maven Alex Wagner has a fantastic new book out and it's all about the origin story of this goblin supreme court the book is called the steel four right-wing hardliners one Republican presidency and the raid on America's courts and it drops

“tomorrow Tuesday September 15th and you can get it wherever you get your books and if you are excited”

about this book the way I am please come out and join me and Alex we will be in conversation on Tuesday September 15th from 7 to 8 p.m. at McNally Jackson books at Brooklyn Studios that's one to Cald Avenue in Brooklyn, New York the Burrow of Kings and we're going to be breaking it all down and talking about this fantastic new book so add another one to the pile complements of your friends at Stricts Group. listeners that's all we have for today's episode we will be back in

your earholes very soon because of course you know the Supreme Court's gonna Supreme Court can't stop won't stop and we will be there to break it all down for you thanks so much for joining us today. Stricts Union is a cricket media production our show is produced by Melody Raule and Michael Galsman our music is by Eddie Cooper our team includes about to wrote that heathcode Johanna case cany moth it and delivered in Eric's shoe our production staff is proudly unionized with the writer's

guild of America East.