If you don't like DSA, it is possible for the establishment wings of the part...
guard to offer a different vision.
The fact that they have instead chosen to punch left, it's like, "Make an argument." Hi everyone, from New York Magazine in the Vox Media Podcast Network. This is on with Keroswisher and I'm Keroswisher. We're just a few months away from the midterm elections if you can believe it, and with President Trump's popularity in the toilet, Democrats have a great chance of winning back
power in Congress. But the party has been rocked by a group of insurgent progressive candidates that have unceded some long-time incumbents. We saw it happen in New York in Colorado, and all eyes are now on Michigan's Senate primary in a few weeks to see whether a progressive or centrist can win there.
It's an existential election year for Democrats and the party will have to navigate these divides in real time as it tries to chart a path out of the political wilderness. The cautionary tale, of course, is Grand Platner in Maine, who wrote a wave of populist enthusiasm to the party's Senate nomination only to drop out early this month when a former girlfriend accused him of rape.
He denies it. I've got three experts here to talk about this. Adam Gentelsen is the president and founder of Search Light Institute, a Democratic Think Tank. Although served as chief of staff, depends on the Senator, John Federman, and his new book,
Supermajority, how Democrats can build lasting power comes out in September. Amanda Litman is the co-founder and president of Run for Something.
It's a progressive political group that works to recruit and support first-time candidates
in states and local races. And Rochney Nettengotti is founding partner and chief for search officer of hit strategies of public opinion research company that specializes in researching young people and people of color.
“I think what's really important right now is that the Democrats seem to always form a firing”
squad that shoots inward and what's really important is to shoot outward and it'll be interesting to see if they can tolerate differences of opinion, including from the left and the more conservative parts of the Democratic Party and still win elections. And that's what I want to talk about. All right.
Let's get into my conversation with Adam Amanda and Rochney. Our expert question comes from Democratic political strategist Liz Smith, don't go anywhere. Support for this show comes from Odo. Running a business shouldn't feel like surviving a software group project. One app for accounting and other for inventory and other for sales and somehow none of them
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You can hire top rated pros, sea price estimates, and read reviews all on the app, download today. Think about a 31st Newly, like this, last call for a steuer. Oh no, I don't know where I'm going to start.
“By this steuer, that's how steuers work, but only stress.”
Is that simple? Of course, make everything automatic. Steuers are long, eh? No, just simple, eh? No, then.
Hold here, now you're going to start with this steuer. It's about 31st Newly upgeben. Adam, Amanda, and Rochney, thank you for coming on on. Great to be here. Thank you for having us, thanks.
So there's been a lot of being spilled on the rise of these insurgent candidates in the Democratic Party. I'd love for each of you. What is the lens through which you're viewing this divide? Is it moderate versus centrist, insider versus outsider?
Young versus old. Why don't we start with you, Adam, then, Amanda, then Rochney?
“I mean, there's definitely an ideological component to it, right?”
You can't avoid that. I mean, the platforms that a lot of these insurgent candidates are running on are very clear. They often have a lot in common. Things like Medicare for all. You know, the war in Gaza is a huge issue driving a lot of this.
But I think you also, you know, if you were doing all those positions, but you didn't have the outside of versus insider dynamic, they wouldn't be getting the traction they're getting. So I think it's a combination of those two things. They happen to be young. They are definitely outsiders, but they're also a lot of the passion behind them.
What's driving the movement does have these strong ideological components to it as well. Okay, Amanda. So run for something. The organization of run had nearly a hundred thousand people sign up to run for office in the last 18
Months.
That's more than we had in the entirety of Trump's first term.
And the thing that we heard this time around was different than Trump 1.0 was very specific frustration with the Democratic Party. With this sense that like, my leaders are not fighting for me. They're not showing up for me. They don't care about me.
They haven't delivered for me. I am not going to wait my turn. I'm not going to get to the back of the line. I am done being told to just like be patient. So when I look at these insurgent candidates, you know, in congressional levels, we're seeing
them on the state-ledge levels and the municipal levels, it is a deep frustration with the status quo.
“I think it is generational in many ways.”
It's not a coincidence that so many of them are millennials and Gen Z leaders. But it's not even outside or so much as anti-return to normal and anti-establishment as so much as the establishment is the status quo. Rosemary? Yeah, very much agree with what Amanda was saying.
And I'm a partner at Hit Strategies, which is a full-scale public opinion research firm. We do expansive voter population research, but we also focus in on audiences that are typically underrepresented in voter research. So people of color, young voters, women, LGBTQ and all of the intersections of those voters. And they really make up the core of the Democratic Party.
And I feel like should be the leaders on what the Democratic Party positions are. And exactly like Amanda said, over the last few years, we've been hearing them say they are fed up with the Democratic Party. They don't see elected leaders as fighting for them. They don't believe that the systems are advocating for them.
And they believe that the Democratic candidates are taking their votes for granted. And so all of this is creating an environment for them that is opening a lane for a more progressive insurgent left who are more responsive to the issues of the day to step in and fill the gap that they feel it's lacking in their candidates. You know, excuse me, even though Adam you mentioned Gaza, you didn't mention policies as much as
the vibe, right? I guess the feeling that people are representing them on policies. Is that correct? That's right.
“But I really think you can understand how important the Gaza conflict is to a lot of this.”
I really think it's- >> I have two sons, twenty, twenty, one, and I know. >> Yeah. >> It's hugely important. There are young anti-establishment candidates running in other races who sort of don't fall into this category of left-wing insurgents.
You know, people like Bobby Palito who's running in the Rio Grande Valley in Texas, Bob Brooks who's running in Pennsylvania's seventh district. You know, they're outsiders. They're anti-establishment two. But I think what's a differentiator between them and this sort of insurgent left is those
ideological components. And there are some policy overlap with them as well. But I think it's, you know, you couldn't be included in this left-wing insurgency that is largely driven by the DSA and others. If you had a centrist position on these really conflict or if you were unwilling to call it a genocide
and I think that's a big, big differentiator. >> I just have noticed from my children, two of whom have very different political views interestingly, they do come together on the same idea of focus on the Democrats. They don't like Trump. That's for sure.
And none of you mentioned not liking Trump, correct? Amanda? >> It's the water people are swimming in. It's not the bait that's hulking them.
“Because you have to remember, for this generation of leaders, this new generation of”
leaders in particular, it's always been Trump.
It has been the Trump era since they came into political awareness for most of them, especially if you're a Gen Z, the first election you voted on Trump is on the ballot. What do you think, emotionally? >> Yeah, I mean, he is wildly unpopular, especially among the democratic base. And when we're in focus groups with a lot of voters and trying to talk about all of the
bad things that Trump has been doing, they are very well aware of what is going on in Trump's administration. They hear it from their social media. They hear it from the news. They hear it from people in their community.
We're not giving them new information when we talk about Trump's bad policies and bad decisions. So it's very much the context that they're operating under already. So let's talk about some of the candidates that represent what we're talking about here, progressives. So a two big wins in Colorado this month in the governor's race,
data attorney general Phil Wiser, beat democratic senator Michael Bennett. That was a huge surprise. I think to a lot of establishment and democratic socialist. May lot, T-Rose, unceded democratic representative Dianna to get. Who held the Denver seat for almost 30 years?
Adam Colorado is a blue state, but not a bright blue state. Talk about the dynamics of these races in particular. How the insurgents wrote out these incumbents. Yeah, it's ironic because if you know Michael Bennett as I have had the privilege of getting to know him a little bit over the years. This guy was very against the current democratic leadership.
He had lots of problems with Chuck Schumer. You know, he was a big critic both in private and in public. But I think, you know, it wasn't part of his public identity in a major way.
And that is ultimately what really sort of did him in in this race.
Because he was seen as a DC insider.
Phil Wiser, who beat him isn't exactly a left wing progressive. This definitely sort of is evidence for the idea that this is a lot more about outside or versus insider. Because Phil Wiser doesn't adopt Medicare for all as one of his policy positions. He actually is in line with us at search light on on free primary care for all. But then on the house race side, you kind of have the opposite dynamic where Dianna to get.
Is a co-sponsor of Medicare for all right? A big advocate for it and has been for a long time. But that she didn't have as far left a position on Israel and Gaza. And that was part of the avenue that Milak heroes and others used against her also.
The fact that she's taking corporate money and some of these other aspects that were ultimately what did her in.
So it's it's a mix of things and there are different things in different races. But, you know, some combination of outside of versus insider and some of these DPD logical issues that are driving this. When those things come together and confidence really got to watch out because they could really be in trouble. Right. Now, in New York, three progressive backed by a New York City mayor. The Ron Mondani's outstead house in combat.
Two of those candidates are also members of the Democratic Socialists of America. A house speaker who came Jeffries was not pleased with Mondani's decision to endorse these candidates. I mean, it would lessens do mainstream Democrats still need to learn about what's resonating with voters right now. And certainly the mayor is what I thought was so interesting about those races. And Dile as I said earlier, they got the attention for their comments on Gaza.
“I think that speaks sort of like their moral character.”
Their campaigns were really focused on cost of living issues. It was about housing, it was about child care, it was about infrastructure. The things that they were knocking doors about with the same things that Mondani was talking about in his campaign. It was, you have problems we have solutions and the current leadership has not delivered them. I mean, in many ways, it speaks to kind of what Trump was getting out so long ago,
like the swamp is not serving you. I'm going to solve all your problems. I can fix it. This new class of Democratic leaders in, you know, DSA or not. They are saying, we hear you. We hear how broken you feel everything is, how much it feels like the system is not working for you.
I don't care even if you're aligned with them or not in terms of policies. These folks in power have not solved it. They just haven't, we've given them a chance. They've been in office in some cases as long as you've been alive. Oh, now give us a new try. Now, Rochney, Republicans are already trying to tie Democrats to
Mondani and these other DSA candidates.
I've never heard the word "gomminess" and so much since I studied in school.
“But for young voters in voters in color, how potent attack line is that?”
I actually think that he is very popular nationally and has only grown in popularity since he's been elected. And so his ideas and the policies that he is pushing and the candidates that are pushing these ideas and policies are very, very popular nationally. And so I don't think he is as effective of a bookie man for Republicans because people are seeing him make real change in New York City. And seeing the voters in New York City be really appreciative of the work that he's doing. Why are they doing it? Then they must have some poll that are dragging out and it's just in a New York say communist and hope it works.
I think the label of communism and socialism still has not caught up to Mamdoni himself. I think voters are still unwilling to vote for a candidate that is explicitly socialist. And so the label is a potent attack. However, using him in addition to the label, I feel like cancel each other out. Adam, how do you look at that and then Amanda? Regardless of what you thought about Mamdoni coming in, I think purely as a sort of gamer appreciates game.
No one's doing it better than he is right now. I mean, he's really doing an incredible job.
And I think that if you're trying to sort of draw lessons from it, it's his energy. Yesterday, he was watching the World Cup Games and Riker's Island. I mean, this guy is everywhere. And everything he's doing is conveying that he sees all of New York, his love for the city is infectious. But he's also been very pragmatic in his governing choices so far. I mean, he sort of distance himself from his previous comments about defunding the police.
He embraced just tish to New York City police commissioner and kept her on, even though a lot of folks in the left wanted him to fire her.
“He embraced a lot of sort of critics on this sort of abundance, you know, young being movement who have a sort of deregulatory approach to housing and the ideas you need to build more to lower prices.”
He's really shifted in their direction and embraced a lot of their ideas. So part of what he's doing well, you know, a lot of its his energy, his youth, his enthusiasm, his good looks, his charm, all that comes through. But he's also governing in a smart and pragmatic way. And I think those two things together at the last point I'd make is that crime is way down. He's not dealing with huge influxes of immigrants being shipped up from Texas.
Some of the fundamental conditions for his affordability message to break through are those sorts of things of having, you know, New Yorkers feeling like they have basic security in their homes in their neighborhood in their everyday lives. That really clears the way for that focus on affordability and day to day life improvements.
Amanda.
I would add one other thing, which is that he helps the credibility gap the Democrats have right now.
You know, within eight days of taking office, he did that press conference where he announced to the expansion of 3K and beginning a pilot program for 2K towards universal child care in the city. Working towards fast and free buses, he is frozen the rent. You know, whether you maybe liked those policies or not, which especially as a parent of toddlers, love the universal child care. It is really proof that you can keep your promises.
“I think what are the challenges the Democratic Party has right now is even if you promise the moon, voters don't believe what to live or it.”
So I don't even think making him the face of the party in many ways as someone who promises to do big things and then actually gets them done. Helps close that credibility gap, which we're going to have a big problem with going into 2028 because all of these people running for Congress right now. They're promising big legislation. They're not going to be able to govern until Trump is no longer president.
So it's one of the challenges of this moment.
Yeah, it is. So every episode we get a question from an outside expert. Here's yours. Hi, I'm Liz Smith and I am a Democratic strategist and advisor to majority Democrats and the bench. My question for you is since 2024, we have seen Democratic voters embrace a lot of anti-establishment candidates and insurgent candidates and all of the energy around them.
But of course, we've seen the pitfalls with this with the main Senate raise. So my question for you is, how do Democrats harness that energy? And doing your preferences, what do you think the basic vetting standards or thresholds should be for outside of candidates going forward? So we avoid another Platner type situation.
Adam Amanda and then Rochney.
“Yeah, I think this is where you can sort of envision a big tent, right?”
This is where big tentism, which is where the core principle for us at the search lightens it to really comes through, which is like, you know, welcome, DSA into the party. But for folks who are running in tougher races, they should have the anti-establishment vibe. They should criticize Democratic leadership because it very much deserves to be criticized. But then don't take some of these far left positions that are going to be hard to defend in swing states and purple states. You know, Maine is still pretty much a blue state.
Kamala Harris won it by I think seven points. You know, so Platner could have probably gotten away with some of those left wing positions if you hadn't had the scandals. And then yeah, I mean, I think vetting people properly is a good idea. I mean, there were signs, it's worth doing some introspection. I mean, I supported him probably long past when there were a lot of red flags that should have signaled where this was going.
We knew this circumstantial information about him having this decades-long struggles of PTSD and affection for violence and, you know, disrespectful and dismissive attitudes towards sexual assault. I mean, like, there were signs, right? And so it wasn't a shock. So the lack of vetting was bad. And then I think ignoring a lot of these signs was also a mistake in retrospect. But fortunately, we'll get a, hopefully get a, you know, good candidate in that resumed and beat Susan Collins.
Amanda? So right for something over the last 10 years, as endorsed more than 4,000 candidates, we do deep vetting on each one. We do background checks, we do social media scrubs, we do local operatives who got check us and tell us the context. We've had to rescind endorsements less than 10 times in 10 years. It is possible to run a candidate recruitment program at scale that brings in people with integrity and also strong character.
Now, to Adam's point about the big tent, the way we have structured this is that we are tight on values and flexible and policy. Knowing that those values are going to show up differently in a city council race in New York that they might in a school board race in Alaska.
“That's how we were able to relax like a DSA person to the Atlantic Council, but also a former Republican who left the party after January 6.”
So was there all the way through Trump one in rural Pennsylvania, who's not running for statehouse Andrew Harbaugh. It is possible, I do think you have to operate not as a kingmaker. And then one of the challenges that happened with Platner is they were doing, you know, Matt, Liv's tile, Kansas recruitment. We are looking for ex kind of occupation, an ex demographic, with ex kind of political engagement, because that's who we think can win. You cannot do top-down kingmaking.
We have learned that voters smell the bullshit, they don't like it, and it inevitably backfires as we saw in Maine. We cannot puppet master candidates anymore if we ever could. What we have to do is empower people who say, you know what, I think I can see myself in leadership and then give them to tools to succeed. And do that in as wide as a ways we can, like throw the doors open to as many people as possible. If we try to manufacture people, we'll get either inauthentic, unvetted, or the combination of the two that will voters will reject.
Right, or something that blows up in that case, erosion. I think that this is an opportunity for us. I mean, we saw what happened to the Republican Party when the Tea Party took over. We have those lessons to learn. We are experiencing the same ground-swell of anger from our base anger and frustration. We have the opportunity now to listen to that and amend the way that we are running candidates and promoting policy and just treating
Our voters.
And so I think we just have to stop digging in our heels and actually listen to the voters and do hard things in order to prevent candidate disaster.
“Can it disaster and come in many forms though, correct?”
I mean, presumably this one was invented and he seemed to be king-made, essentially, rather than he was interested in doing it in the first place.
And I think the flip to that is also worth noting, which was that he was up in opposition to, also someone who was not if talk from obscurity chosen for this reason. Like Schumer at all, recruited Janet Mills, who did not want to run. And you can tell because she did not then throw herself into this opening now. Did not really want to be campaigning.
Was deeply unpopular as governor and was so obviously not the right fit for an anti-establishment anti-gerentocratic moment. People did not want the 78-year-old governor to be dragged out of retirement to run for office. And then I think is what made so much of the last couple months in Maine. So frustrating is that it actually didn't have to be this way. It didn't have to be platinum versus mills.
And then ultimately the outcome against Collins. There was a really interesting diverse field of folks running for governor. Some of them could have run for Senate, we're now seeing. There's a pretty exciting bench in Maine that we're starting to build up. Like there are villains on nearly every side of this story.
“And I think it is worth pointing to that as we go.”
Absolutely, Mr. Mur did try to king-make there and made him stay there. We'll be back in a minute. Support for this show comes from built. There's no way around it housing is expensive. Rent, mortgage, it doesn't matter which one you're paying.
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She just never called on.
Democrats have to hold onto the seat if they want any chance to take back the Senate. But for progressives, their last chance to show one of their Senate candidates can win in a purple state. It would be a big win if he won.
“The primary is August 4th. What do you all watching right now?”
Roshny, you start and then Amanda then Adam. I've been looking at the polling. It's going back and forth, but it seems like he's gaining a lot of momentum. He is running a similar playbook as Mundani in New York City. He is money back in your pockets, hold corporations accountable and take corporate money out of politics, Medicare for all reducing cost of living for voters and reducing that economic crunch that voters are feeling.
And he's very consistently on message with those policy points. And voters are really resonating with that message and Michigan. What about you Amanda? I'm looking at the spending discrepancy.
They have spent, I think, over 50 million on behalf of Haley Stevens.
I was spending, I'll say, I believe 10 to 1 at this point.
“If that's how much you have to spend together over the finish line in the primary,”
is there going to be the enthusiasm for her in the general? If she wins this, I don't know. So that's what you're looking at. This is a amount of money. I'm keeping an eye on that of, like, how can you, again, can you king make in a state like this, Adam? I'm looking at whether Elsay decides to make some of the pragmatic choices in the way that Mundani has
in order to appeal to a broader audience as we approach the general election. Because, you know, he was pressed on a CNN interview recently on his previous comments, supporting Defund the police and he stood by them and I thought that was unfortunate. You know, that's, there are real legibility concerns, but it's not about anything about him as a person. It's about some of these positions that he's taken that are going to be difficult to defend in a Michigan general election race.
Now, on the other hand, similar to the dynamic in Maine, I'm no big fan of Haley Stevens either. I don't think she's been a particularly compelling candidate. There's not a really strong electability argument for her either,
because her past performance, you know, her numbers are okay, but they're not amazing.
So it's another one of these dynamics where the choice is difficult. Elsay is probably a better political athlete. He's very talented. He's great on social media, but he has taken some positions that, unless he starts making some pragmatic choices. And there's still time left for him to do so. I do think those things are going to be liabilities in a general election.
Do you hear if you think the amount of do you think that are rosy? I think he has some liabilities. I go back up for it a little bit because on the one end, like if he genuinely does believe we should defund the police or whatever statement he's saying, like there is some value in really saying what you believe, even if he knows that it's not a practical position to take. And I think part of that is it can signal to people that they can trust you. So, you know, I think this is where you get into some tension here of, do you,
control your policies for an electorate or do you still true to what your value? Like, it's a tough call.
“And I think you have to be a really talented communicator to be able to do it.”
Well, Mom Dami, you know, I'm Dami, just 100% reverse himself on, you know, apologizing to the New York City police officers, and just distance himself from defund the police. And as we've talked about here, he's wildly popular and doing a great job. So I think it's possible to do it. Well, he's already mayor. He's already mayor. You know, listen, welcome was crazy. Everybody said a lot of stuff that they probably do.
You know, got caught up in the moment. I think there's also a level for giveness of saying, hey, listen, we all got a little carried away there. And with with the benefit of hindsight, I've decided to sort of reevaluate those things. People don't, you know, mind people changing their mind if they're open and honest about their reasoning there. Yeah, I think it comes to whether he can articulate how he got to a new place. I think Mom Dami is able to do it in part because he has the trust of voters that are saying it does like does it has not earned that yet.
And I think he still got a little bit of work to do there. Or I should do people or people allowed to change their mind even if it's not genuine necessarily. I think if it's a genuine change, then yes, they are allowed voters really, really value authenticity in candidates. And to voters, that means staying true to your beliefs. And so I think if you can explain to voters, here's why I believed in defund the police and here is why I have now changed my mind that's not just, you know,
I saw poll numbers that say it's unpopular and so now I'm going to change my mind on it or my big corporate donors have told me this is not a popular position for me to hold.
Now I'm going to flip flop on it.
If they can display that level of authenticity, I think it's totally appropriate to change change your mind. All right, let's talk about what's driving the rise of these in search and candidates. Amanda, like you mentioned, run for something. So a record number of people sign up to run for office after the 2024 election mainly because they were angry at the democratic party. Talk about specific ways these people felt the party was failing them and how it's driving where we are.
“I mean, angry is one thing, but particularly what's the specific thing?”
When I look back at 25 and 26, the biggest moments we saw for a candidate recruitment were first big leave of don't fireworks.
So this frustration with the federal government and like how could you let people lose their jobs and a lot of it was laid off federal workers who had public service experience. And wanted to run in a different way. The second was Schumer's failure to resolve things during the first shutdown fight. They were pissed. They're like, "How can you hand off our government to this guy?"
I thought we said that this was the end of democracy. If this is actually an existential crisis, why are you playing games with him? The third big moment was Mondani's win. Like after Mondani won in June of last year, we had 10,000 people sign up in those two weeks. I think part of that was his joy, the inspiration, but also this idea that these establishment is not unbeatable.
They just go unchallenged and that you can take them on if you try.
The fourth big one was right after the elections in the fall. When you see people like, "Yes, Mondani, but also Spanberger, make a share of the New Jersey." Just like, "Oh yeah, people can do this. Good people can run and good people can win." Now I would say the thing that I have come back to a bunch over the last year is how much housing comes up in these conversations. In particular, young people feeling like Democrats have not done enough to make it possible to buy a home.
They've not done enough for renters, and it is a part of a larger sense that young people do not have agency over their lives. They don't have a ability to choose where they live, where they work, how they live, if they can start a family. Housing is the number one issue people are talking about when they talk about running for office. I think it's connected to how young voters are feeling. That's a very good point.
The political strategy now, James Carville recently unloaded on these Democratic Socialists from aggressive candidates, trying to challenge and come and see said they were "so fucking stupid." I don't know what to say about it. Adam, you mentioned the need for a big 10 approach. Do you care what Carville has to say about this, speaking of gerontocracy? To what extent is the emblematic of the generational divide that's animating some of these candidates?
I think he's very emblematic of the generational divide.
“I think he's wrong on this. Look, there was a picture on Twitter that day of a DSA meeting, right?”
There were two things that I took away from it. One was that half the people in the room were wearing face masks, right? And so in July of 2026, that is an indication that a lot of these people are not representative of the broader American public, right? But the other thing that was equally important, if not more important, was that the room was packed. And you had 50 or so people, deeply committed to the civic process to care deeply about issues, we're debating, you know, Robert's rules of order and all these sort of, you know, arcane procedures
that, you know, the DNC should be extremely jealous of that level of commitment and energy and organization, right? And so we may not agree on every issue, but that passion and that commitment has a place in our big 10. And it must have a place in our big 10. You know, we can all disagree on issues and say what we believe and where we draw lines and distinguish ourselves and what's right for New York City is not right for Texas. But that energy is incredibly valuable and we would be very dumb as a party to try to run it out of the party.
Why are people like him doing that then? Amen.
If threatens people like his power, I mean, the institutions will always protect himself, Carval,
and many other of the older leaders like him are creatures of these institutions. They have built them from the ground up. They are scared. When we talk about the leaders who got us into this mess will not be the ones to get us out of it. We also mean people like him.
This is not to say you did not do some good things in his service, but that dude does not understand what it's like to be a 20 or 30 something in the United States right now. He does not understand why people are angry. He and so many others of his sort of generation of leaders both literally and figuratively are so removed from where people are. And I would just pause it.
If you don't like DSA, it is possible for the establishment wings of the party or the old guards, such as it is, to offer a different vision. Like, they could have failed themselves of selling something that would solve the problems and speaking to the anger people feel. The fact that they have instead chosen to punch left or to, you know, blame the young people who want these wild and crazy things like, make an argument. Yeah, I made that argument to one of them.
Go ahead.
“I would add that I think the older generation too often minimizes the intelligence of young voters.”
And because a lot of young voters get their information on social media or from their friends assume that it's not as good of information as they're getting in newspapers or on cable TV. And at least what we're seeing in our research and talking to young folks that could not be farther from the truth.
They're so well informed on the issues.
They would agree.
They really understand what's going on.
They are just saying consistently over and over again, they're fed up with the system and so I think it's a really wrong take. Right. I do. Again, I think of my sons. They're very well informed. They just don't agree with them. That's, you know what I mean? And that's with it's really hard because one of the things I said, you tell young people to be involved and to vote. And when they do it, you tell them their vote is stupid. Like, I don't understand.
They're doing what you said and you just don't like their choice, which is very different. I also had political journalists said her and on the show a few months ago he talked about how voters now don't fit into neat ideological boxes.
“I think that's another truth. And it's more important for candidates to be clearly articulate in their values and it is to fit neatly into an ideological box.”
First, Rushney, how does that square through your seeing in the research with young and minority voters who've been moving away from the democratic party?
And what animates them now? I think we've heard a lot about young men, particularly young men of color, over the last few election cycles, moving further away from the democratic party or voting more for Republicans. And so we've undertaken a lot of research over the last couple of years with our partners at third way and at black commend vote to dig into what's going on there, what is leading to these votes. And now that we're seeing these young men slowly move back towards the democratic party, what is driving that as well. And what we've found a lot is young men, young people are severely economically strange.
They heard Democrats in 2024 say the economy is fine. It's getting better. We don't have to worry about it. And so they were looking for candidates in that time Trump who were making arguments that identified the pain that they were experiencing and found some sort of solution for it.
Now they're hearing Trump say that.
And now they have noticed that he is not going to help them at all. He's making no lives a lot worse. And so they're looking for an alternative. And I think that's where some of these insurgent candidates too have come in. But I think an important point there is to note that at no point, even while they were voting for Trump, did these young men particularly young men of color identify as maga or Republican. They're still overwhelmingly progressive or democratic or moderate. They just needed a place to land in the last election because they didn't feel like they had a home in the democratic party.
And so I think what we're seeing is more and more young people are not identifying cleanly with parties in the way that they have in the past. And so we have to be a little bit more flexible with our messaging and our policy positions. Yeah, Adam you had some examples of what Rochney was talking about in your book. Can you share some of those?
“Yeah, that's right. I think the overarching frame here is that the defining feature of the American people is their ideological heterodoxy, right?”
The American voters are not rigidly ideological. And so they don't take all their positions from the left or the right, you know, they mix things from column A and column B. And so when you've seen candidates who've been successful, especially in resisting attacks as being socialist or Republican smears, it's because they mix those positions together and convey this heterodoxy to connects with the American people and makes people think, "Oh, when you face a tough decision, you're going to be an independent thinker, you're a different kind of Democrat, you're going to think like me."
And so, you know, we look around the country now that candidates who are succeeding in some of these rhetoric areas, people like James Tallarico, are mixing in non-traditional democratic positions with their sort of liberal values. So, Catalla Rico running in Texas is talking about how valuable the oil and gas industry is to the Texas economy. It supports hundreds of thousands of working-class jobs, hundreds of thousands of working-class Hispanic men, you know, are employed by the oil and gas industry. And so, you know, for a candidate like him who clearly is deeply committed to liberal values.
If you're gunna win in a state like Texas, you've got him mixing some of those heterodox positions and that's part of why I think we're seeing him succeed. So, you know, one of the things that's really, isn't usually a top concern for voters, but like we talked about, a support for Israel and taking money from APEC is still really dividing Democrats, you just saw this vote in the house, which was unprecedented, I think. Even if it's not voters, top concern like the economy, talk about the role the issue of support of Israel's playing now on the campaign trail.
“I think it's too bold. One is that it's a moral limit, test, especially for young voters, but even for older voters too, is that can you call us made a spade?”
Can you call what we are seeing in Gaza a genocide? Is it so clearly is? Can you see the atrocity and can you name it? And, you know, I think for younger voters in particular, that kind of moral clarity is necessary. The second is the way that APEC is trying to buy elections speaks to the larger problem of money and politics, for people feeling like their voice can be drowned out by a amount of money that feels undemocratic and unfair. I think APEC has become the bookie man for that, but they are not alone here, we're seeing that from crypto, we're seeing that from tech.
I think Elon Musk has $90 million in right now.
You know, then the gambling, but I think the combination of the moral clarity around the issue and the money being spent, that is so clearly removed from where the American people are, which I think is also the challenge here.
We'll be back in a minute.
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A crucial Senate primary battle in Michigan that could determine control of Congress in November.
Congresswoman Haley Stevens and Abdul Alsaid, a progressive Democrat and a moderate Democrat. In the end, it all comes down to the dreaded e-word, electability. But in Michigan, one candidate is trying to turn the electability concept on its head. If we think that voters walk around asking, "Where do I sit on some theoretical left-right spectrum?" Then in theory, the bulk of the voters somewhere in the middle of the problem though is that that model hasn't really accurately predicted our politics for a very long time.
“If Michigander's wanted moderate, why would they have elected Donald Trump twice?”
After Abdul Alsaid is making the progressive case for America first, and he's trying to settle the Democrats at the illogical battle in the process. This is about the many verses of the money. I'm a stead-horrenton, and this is America, actually. Catch us every Saturday on YouTube or wherever you get your podcast. 1, 2, 3! I'm stand-up comedian, John Marcos Suraisy, and I'm actor penis model, Russell Daniels.
The downside is our podcast where we bring on guests to talk about how miserable their lives are, because let's face it. Things are not getting better. Every episode we talk about what's wrong with our lives, our guest lives, the world, but in a fun way. Bottom line is you're going to walk away feeling better about your life. We've had so many cool guests, Caleb Huron. Busy films. Stover's health yes.
The Verncox, Hassan Piker, a lot of glaser. I promise you're going to have a good time. Now on the Vox Media Podcast Network, this is the downside. We're just a few months out from the mid-term, so the Democrats are going to have to figure out how to navigate these divides. In real time, if they want to retake power and commerce, most people feel they have a lock on the house.
“We'll see, Senate is in play. I think that's probably the fairest way to say it, but the big fear is the Democrats are facing a moment like the Republicans did in 2010 and 2012.”
During the Tea Party wave, when unqualified or just bad candidates cost some a Senate majority, although 2010 was still a wave election for Republicans. That's be clear. And when you're looking at how can Democrats avoid that same fate between now and November? Although I think the candidate quality is pretty high from what I'm looking around the country. Yeah, I mean, I lived through those elections.
Candidates like Christina Donald in Delaware, who famously had to run an ad saying, "I'm not a witch." You know, losing it, "Well, what should have been a win-able seat for Republicans because my cat should be my castle?" Being a witch today might win you a seat. But go ahead. That's true. The times change, you know, she shouldn't, hey, she should pick another run.
You know, so right, so we don't have anybody that's that bad in terms of candidate quality.
“But I think, you know, this is why we really got a hone in on questions of electability.”
We only have a few primaries left, and I really genuinely believe that any of the major candidates in any of these primaries we have left on the Senate side can win. Right? Especially in an environment that's really strong up for us on the fundamentals. People are deeply upset about Trump. They're really angry. They hate the economy. All that makes for a good midterm for Democrats. We just have to get really smart and not let these people need to be more focused on winning an election than winning an argument.
And if Abdul al-Saiid is the nominee, his job is to beat Mike Rogers to Republican, right?
And that put that first about everything else.
Even if it means conceding some issues on factual purity, you got to focus on winning. Would be not in his interest or the interest of his faction for him to lose. So everybody's just got to get really smart as we turn into general election season and focus on winning.
I think we don't have any candidates who are incapable of doing that, as long...
Amanda, does money play as big a role do you think there is enormous, I mean, can Griffin, that Elon, the tech people are putting a lot in.
Trump has some slush fund. Is that going to make a difference? It didn't make a difference in Wisconsin when Elon tried to get those judges put in. And it didn't make a difference for Tom Stier in California, for example.
“I think money matters to the extent that candidates and their outside partners have the ability to run strong campaigns.”
I do not think you can buy elections with you used to. I think it is much much harder to make the case that simply outspending your opponent will guarantee an outcome. I think especially in this election where Democrats and Democratic voters will ready to crawl over broken glass to vote.
And their job is going to be convinced for Republican voters that Trump's not on the ballet.
You may not love the economy right now, you're sort of savoring on this, but still show up. It's just a much harder case to make. I don't know if there's enough money that can sell a shitty product. I would add to that voters are a lot more skeptical of information that we're feeding them these days with the rise of AI and information coming on social media. They want to know who is responsible for the message and why they're spending all of this money on political ads. And we hear that so often in focus groups when we test messages, when we test ads, when we test content, who's responsible for this, what's their angle?
“And so I think voters are a lot more skeptical when they look at the amount of money that's being spent in politics now.”
Absolutely. So a lot more progressive candidates are campaigning on the message of bullish eyes, a poll in March showed about half voters for the idea. I think it's higher now and we just saw two more fatal shootings this month. It looks like it's animating a lot of voters.
Is that the case? And you first, what are your surveys revealed about ice enforcement as a vehicle?
And then Amanda and Adam, please weigh in. I think voters hold a very nuanced view on this actually in the same way that they do around the slogan defund the police. They very much are supportive of having some sort of immigration enforcement mechanism in the country. But they are very, very unsupportive of the actions that Trump's ice is taking in murdering Americans and forcing people into camps and kicking people out of the country. They do not like the way that ice is operating.
I think this is especially true among Latino communities right now. And why he's losing so much ground that he gained in the last election among Latino communities. They are seeing their neighbors and their friends and family being targeted. And so they voters do hold a nuanced view in this. And I think running on the idea of abolishing or reforming ice is a popular position for candidates now, Amanda.
I totally agree. I also think this is one of those places where the Democratic Party leadership's failure to show sufficient anger really matters. Like Kriss van Holland traveling to El Salvador and putting his body on the line or even Bradley Andrew in the same in New York. Some of it is performative, but voters want to see that you are validating their feelings that this isn't atrocity. That this is horrific that they should not be able to murder people in the streets. I also think the flip is also true, which is that voters have seen now over the last 18 months.
Totally ordinary people stand up against ice in a way that I think is deeply inspiring. And in some ways, restores some faith in the American people and in this idea that like you could be responsible for your neighbor. That while our elites and our billionaires have been deeply cowardly, ordinary Americans have incredibly brave. So watching our leadership fail gives them an opportunity to rise. Yeah, I think we did a poll at search like after the shooting in Minnesota.
And what it showed two things, one was that ice was unpopular. The other was that people still wanted interior enforcement of our immigration laws, right?
“And so however you message it, you have to make clear.”
And what people are saying is, you know, not like this, right? They want interior enforcement, but they don't, they're horrified rightly so by what they're seeing. So they want enforcement that abides by the rule of the law, the treats people humanely that isn't pulling people out of cars and certainly isn't shooting them in the head, you know, for just trying to get out of the way. So that's the line that Democrats have to walk where, you know, they should absolutely be harsh in their criticism of these atrocities that we're seeing and this incredibly reckless approach to interior enforcement.
While still making clear that we are a nation of laws and we do need interior enforcement of our immigration laws, it just has to be humane and it has to abide by the rule of law. Yeah, it's interesting because I do think it's a communications issue. There was a really interesting video. Some guy going on about what happened in Maine and Maine or and he's like, well, if it wasn't this country legally, he's in trouble, that and then the guy was like, well, you know, he was in this country. And he goes, oh, and he goes and he was just trying to leave. Oh, and he had all his papers right. Oh, and it was so interesting to watch in real time this guy who was very loudmouth.
Shift rather quickly.
That's right. Amazing to see. Yeah. Now you all have two more questions. You all talked about the need to prioritize winning over ideological purity.
But you know, some of these progressive candidates as they're pivoting to the general, how can they appeal to a broader electorate without compromising so much that they no longer seem genuine, especially in purple states and districts. I'd love each of you to answer it. Then I have one final question. You know, I think keeping it focused on the problems you want to solve and like speaking from a place of values, understanding that if you are clear about what your goal is, there's a lot of different ways.
To get at that goal and that's that's kind of what the policy conversation is about is we can all agree that everyone should have access to affordable health care.
What are the different ways we can get there? And when candidates have a strong sense of values and of what they believe.
The the conversation about tactics and and how you communicate that is much easier. I think candidates get screwed and we see them fail at this when they are campaign or themselves have to spend time figuring out what is it I believe as opposed to how do I communicate what I believe Adam.
“Yeah, I think part of being authentic is saying what you believe and most people don't hold ideas that are consistent with an ideology on every single topic, right?”
And so liberals are going to have mostly liberal views and that's great and that's what the role we play in this system.
But they probably have a few things that they believe personally that does diverge a little bit from sort of leftist purity tests.
They should just say that too, right? So that's part of what's being authentic means is saying all the things you believe out loud. And that's the right balance for a general election where you know you're mostly going to agree with the left. But on a few things you're going to have an independent point of view and that is authentic because it's what you believe. And it also demonstrates the general election voters and swing voters who might have voted for Trump last time that you're going to be someone who thinks for themselves and who's going to be guided by your own core values and commitments not by a rigid ideology.
“And I also think outreach for candidates is paramount making sure that they are speaking to voters where they are addressing the issues that are important to them and coming in at the level that they understand those issues.”
I mean, for example, Mamdoni in New York, AAPI voters had been voting more and more Republican over the course of the last few years and Mamdoni in the general election drove AAPI turnout higher than it has been in New York City in years. And actually got 87% of the South Asian vote in New York City, which is much more than Democratic candidates have been getting over the last few years. So having an authentic candidate and then having a candidate that is willing to go into their communities and authentically speak to their issues and problem solved with them is the key there.
Yeah, yeah, I had suggested to a presidential candidate, I'm like, go where they are, not where you are, they were in New York City. And I was like, leave in New York City immediately. As we head into the 2028 presidential election, the eventual Democratic nominee is going to have to appeal to both sides of this divide and the broader electorate to win back the White House. Is this the start of a serious alignment for the party or just another cyclical swing to the left that could prove politically costly like it was for Vice President Kamala Harris in 2024.
“I think this is an opportunity to build a lasting realignment and dominate not just the next election, but the next generation for Democrats. And I think it requires us to make some smart choices starting now with the midterms and going into 2028.”
I have this book coming out called Supermajority and the idea is that this is what we need to think we need to think about how to build a supermajority and reject these narrow majorities that we've been trapped in for the last 10 years or so. And that means thinking about how to win in places like Nebraska and Texas and Ohio and the Dakota's where Democrats used to hold Senate seats. And if we make the choices we need to do that, we can build durable power that's not just going to swing back and forth because you can't, you know, everybody here wants to pass big ambitious change, but you really can't do it on narrow majorities.
I'd be the first to say we should eliminate the filibuster in the Senate. My first book was about that, you know, we should definitely get rid of it, but you're going to need large Senate majorities to pass big ambitious bills and to reshape the courts, which are going to strike down anything we pass, we don't reshape them anyway, right? So we need to be smart and thoughtful about this and say, look, we will accept divergence from purity test, especially in purple and red states because it's the cost benefit is a no-brainer.
And we need to be smart and strategic starting now with these midterms, but taking that mindset forward into 2020, as we think about how to be Republicans and win back the White House. I think that's one of the populists in progressive policies that we've been discussing over the last hour, are wildly popular, not only with progressive self-proclaimed progressives, but also with moderates and independence and even some right-leaning voters.
So to build that big tent back for the Democratic Party, I think it is time f...
So if any protesters are romance novel readers, but there's a joke in romance novels about the looks like a cinnamon roll, but could actually kill you.
Like the nice guy with like a little bit, a little bit mean. I think that's where the Democratic Party is going, in the sense that I suspect after this cycle, we are going to be looking for a national leader who is both kind and earnest and optimistic and imagines a world that is better, but also tough on accountability. And not going to mess around with holding Trump and the Republican Party accountable for what has been done. And the winning candidates sort of winning part of the party that can combine those two things is going to be the part that moves us forward.
“All right, then I can't resist. Who's your cinnamon roll?”
And who is Adam and who is your solution?
Uh, I think there's, I think, awesome. Certainly got it. I think you see he's got it if she wants it. I think Warnoch Loki is a sleeper. He's got it if he wants it. There's lots of variations of cinnamon rolls with a little bit of the could actually kill you underneath Adam. I'm shaking my head because those are literally the three that I would name. I mean, I can't go all the emergency. I would also add. I would not be shocked if there's a total outsider candidate who takes us all by surprise and swoops in with that outsider energy given how much passion there is for that right now.
Anyone, you can think of? You know, someone like Mark Cuban from the, from the, from the, was a business background, but deeply held. Is that right?
Just so you know, okay, well, that's, hey, that's news.
Uh, you know, this is really just sort of fantasizing, but you know, I saw Matthew McConaughey, you know, getting in on the action a little bit. Yeah. Yeah. The 25th anniversary. He's shown interest in politics occasionally.
Can I get you some advice, go listen to my interview with him and then you'll, you'll change your mind.
“Okay, I'll do that right after this. Well, you know, but someone like that, I think, who's sort of, you know, it comfortable in their own skin.”
Good on social media, you know, but has it has a commitment to do American guys and wants to do more. You know, we'll see. We'll see. Yeah. Rochan, you finish.
I mean, I very much agree with the list of those three. And I think those are the three names that we hear voters bring up most often in focus groups as well. When we ask who are candidates who are working for you right now, we hear those three names pop up a lot. I was not a Georgia and there are a lot of cinnamon rolls from Georgia. All right.
Uh, thank you. Three all so much. I had him Amanda and Rochani for being here today. I really appreciate it. Thank you. Thank you. Thanks. Today's show is produced by Michelle Aloy, Catherine Millsop, Mattel in the Plant Dooby. Megan Bernie and Katelyn Lynch.
The shot, Kerva is Vox Media's executive producer of podcast, special thanks to Amin Wellen, Dave Shaw, Corinne Ruff and Julius Sharp Levine. Our engineers are Fernando Aruda and Rick Juan and our theme music is by Tracodemix. If you're already following the show, you are not a witch or maybe you are.
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