The Bulwark Podcast
The Bulwark Podcast

Angie "Pumps" Sullivan and Phil Gordon: The Dumbest People Are Running this Country

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Trump's shamelessness has been his political superpower, but the regime in Tehran is seeing a desperate and panicked man doing the opposite of what he's said about Iran for the past decade. But his su...

Transcript

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[MUSIC]

Hello, and welcome to the Bullard Podcast. I'm your host Tim Miller. We have another double header today. In segment two, we get real heavy. I'm foreign policy with Phil Gordon, who is Kamla's national security advisor.

A lot of conversation out there right now about what Harris foreign policy would have looked like. You know, in that magical alternate universe. And so figured we'd ask the guy who would know the answer to that. So stick around in segment two for that.

Also just a reminder for everybody. No kings is coming on Saturday. I got an interview coming up later this week with Ezra Levin, who's organizing that for an invisible scheme now for that.

But first, we're going to have a little fun.

She's a co-host of the podcast. I've had it, and I hit news.

Also in attorney and co-author of the book, "Life is a lazy Susan

of shit sandwiches." And I just found out in this morning. She's a bullard plus member. So get on board. It's Angie Pomp Sullivan.

Hi. Thanks for having me. Yes. And Bullard plus member. I just thought Auto Renew.

Great. We appreciate your support. And I don't know what the rest of you are waiting for. And it looks like you just lost your earpud into your bra. There again.

I got it up though. Okay. So we're good though. We're good now. If anyone's like me, right?

You do that. You guys have these niche, niche following. So I want to get to politics. Don't get your back story. A lot of people may know you.

Like if they're on social media as the other one on I have.

But because your co-host Jan is always going viral for like calling Trump cancels

McTaco tips or something like crazy like that. Yeah. And so we want to get your perspective as well. But for I saw you guys before that. I was on an airplane.

And enough you do this. I did a little market research. And I look at what podcast we're listening to. As I'm walking down the aisle. And I saw a couple of girls.

Listen to I hip or I have news. I forget. And I was like, what is this? And I asked a couple of the gaze and realized that you had a huge fan based. A couple of them had a lot.

You had a reality show called Sweet Home Oklahoma. I knew nothing about. So for people who are like me. Let's give us your hero origin story. Okay.

So Jennifer and I started being friends like 25 years ago. I hired her to decorate a kitchen remodel. And she came into my house. She immediately insulted my taste. And I knew I had bad taste.

That's why I hired her. But I was like, I know I have bad taste at a. Immediately insulted it. Which just I fell head over heels for that because she is so honest. And that's one great thing about being a podcast person with someone who has.

Total conviction and is fearless. I mean, she does not have any fear. And she's like that professionally and personally. So we developed a friendship.

And then I think because our lives have been so crazy.

That we were on a reality TV show. And I was the crazy one on that. Just I was had a glove. The smoke cigarettes with the glove. Trying to hide it from my kids.

Which, you know, doesn't hide anything. But I felt like it did. I'm not used to. Everyone. Just there was a brief moment where she started smoking again.

I think for one year, just a high stress year. And also tried some more strategies. Didn't work. Neither did my strategies hiding smoking from her. By the way, so it's kind of a two way street on that.

I love that creative.

Yeah, oh, no, because here's what happened.

I would have kids. So I put on a robe. I go outside. I put my glove on. Then I go in.

Take the robe off. Wash my hands. Well, the kids still knew. I mean, it's just the dumbest thing on the planet. But anyway, so we had the reality show.

And then I grew up a Republican. I was raised by Republicans that are now maga. And so as a part of my adult life, my entire life blew up. And I had to read examin how I viewed my religion. Evangelical Christianity.

And that spilled over into politics. So I wasn't. Super political, like I didn't watch Fox news.

But, you know, I registered Republican because that's what my parents did.

And, you know, all that. And then I will never forget. So vote for Mitt Romney. Vote for Mitt Romney or was that, but he said he switched back then. No, I voted for Bush one time.

But I can't remember. And then it was done. Then that was it. But. But I can't remember which time it was.

I think it was. I voted for Kerry. So I probably did vote for Mitt Romney. Is that right? No, that would be right.

I voted for Bush Kerry. You have a right. You was Bush once in that care. Okay. So that's, you know, I'm not proud of it. But I did. Okay. But so anyway.

Then in 2016, all of this Trump stuff was happening. And I wasn't super engaged politically. But I called Jennifer and I get why.

Are the people surrounding Trump not taking his phone when he starts drinking.

And he starts texting all this on social media.

She was like, oh, he's an empty toddler.

And that. And that just threw me for an absolute. I could not imagine that people would see what he was writing and not immediately assume. We were in terrible hands as a country. And then I just got more and more involved and engaged.

Started seeing that, you know, all the back and forth. And then by caught up with me of what he was saying. Versus was doing. And then I just became completely enamored with politics. So you guys were on the TV reality show.

Sweet, I don't know, Oklahoma. Where you were the crazy one. And then the podcast starts and you have a role reversal. But initially, the podcast, like you were just kind of doing like making fun of other reality. People write and like complaining about people who clap on airplanes.

No, it was complaining.

It was just complaining about people like gender reveal parties.

Like of course, you know, it's going to be one of the other like stop. And just complaining about a lot of those things.

And then Jennifer has always been very politically minded.

So those conversations just kind of naturally grew. And as the climate became more and more oppressive. And all of these things started happening. It just turned into where we felt like we had to speak out because we did have a platform. So we felt like we had to use it for good.

So what do you know how that is? In fact, like your because I get a lot of questions about this from people who, you know, our listeners or whatever or a lot of us are former Republicans. So, you know, who are in conservative communities who don't know how to deal with family members or friends or still maga.

I mean, when you started like speaking out on the podcast about politics, I have to imagine you got some negative feedback from your friend group. Here's the thing. What's interesting is, and you're not as old as me. But as you grow older, you become closer to fewer people.

And you just kind of weed out the people that you don't necessarily have the same views with over time. And then might see all my kids are out of the house. So I'm not thrown together in situations with people that I would otherwise not be with. Interestingly about my family because they are died in the wool, triple trumpers, the whole line.

It just doesn't exist for them. The podcast just doesn't exist. Even if it's on Fox News, which I know they watch, it's just, it just doesn't happen.

It never comes to my attention.

It's just like, in my family, it's very easy to compartmentalize and deny what you willfully what you want. But just don't ask, don't tell. It is exactly that. Yeah.

Got it. So, well, I guess that's healthier than, you know, losing your family over it. I do wonder, I do think in this moment where Trump is screwing it up so much. I do see any opportunities for engagement with maga, america, or not quite yet. Okay.

So on a personal level with my, with my family, what I have said is,

super religious, what would Jesus do about putting people in alligator alcatraz?

Oh, I think that's what Jesus would do. Like, do you really think that? And they can't defend it. And then on other issues that have come up, it is, I'm sad that you can't have empathy for these people.

That makes me sad. When I was Christian evangelical practicing doing all that, I looked back and I had no empathy for anyone but myself. There was a narcissism to my thoughts that kept me from being able to think about, okay, what happens to a gay couple that once have a child?

Why would I care? I want every child to be loved. Why would it matter? And those kind of things. So it kind of all unraveled at the same time.

But I try to stick to empathy instead of, how can you be so stupid? It's attempting to want to do how could we be so stupid. Just on the empathy thing. This is, this is hard.

Are you ready for a hard thing to do? Yeah. What about empathy for them? What about empathy for the maggot types who either are misinformed or their intentions or, you know, or they have been, you know,

kind of propagandized to or sucked up into a cult? Obviously, in any group, there's some bad people. There's some deplorable. But I've got to be some that are reachable. How do you kind of think about that?

Given that, and you still live there. You're still living in Oklahoma. You know, they're all around you. Yes. Here's the thing.

Like, this is an example. Yes, I went to buy bread. And I noticed that there was a nine dollar loaf of bread on the shelf. And I just thought that is crazy. And there was a moment where I kind of had a little, like,

that maggot people were going to go in and be faced with the nine dollar loaf of bread. It was, it was seconds. And then I saw it. Was it where you had an artisanal bread shop or something?

That was at Whole Foods.

Okay. Well, yeah, Whole Foods is spending. It's spending, but I mean, it was just like a nine dollar loaf of bread. Are you kidding me? I read it about people, you know, taking out of the retirement to make mental expenses. Okay. So going back to,

there's a part of me that because I had a political evolution, and a later in life evolution in general, that I feel like I have to have some empathy towards someone that is like, Oh, my gosh. You know, we saw that everybody saw that video.

I'm an idiot, I guess. Part of me is like, good. Now you know it. You have felt it. But then there's another part of me that is like,

you have to kind of put your actions with your words.

You have to stand up and say, this is why I was wrong. These were the views that I had, and I realized that I was wrong. And I don't know that I see a lot of that.

Like, Marjorie Taylor Green,

I've never, ever, ever been to believe that she is not just trying to further her own political career.

But in terms of the everyday person, I would have more grace for that than probably some, just because of my political evolution. But I just think a lot of them, they're just never going to change.

They're just simply not going to change. Well, that I think is the key question in the moment. Is there enough of them that can change? And you reference a video that everybody saw. But just a far-own enjoyment,

like a little, just a little appetite. Let's just watch it one more time. If you could say something to President Trump, and he was going to hear you right now, what would it be? You're a worthless pile of shit.

And you voted for how many times? Three times. That was my bad. Apparently I'm an idiot. Thank you, a man to wrap it.

We love the bloodness there. Okay. But that has to give you a little hope. Right? Like in some level,

there's the shot in Florida. Like, yeah. Okay.

It's nice to hear somebody say that.

Bluntly. I'm an idiot. But in the other hand, it's like, Okay. If that lady devoted three times,

that is probably watching some Fox and some Newsmax, if she can have a break, if you can have a break, if I can, other people have to be able to.

Like, what? How do you think they can be reached? Is it just pain? Do they have to experience pain? Or is there other strategies that would be useful?

I think that in my family,

I think that the pain would have to be lost

of, you know, stocks, bonds, portfolios for a one cake. Like, that is where like, it seems the cost to humanity and humans, and law-breaking and corruption.

All of that is fine. The telet affects my pocketbook. And I say this because, you know, I've viewed it all my 56 years on earth,

but you also have to think like,

you've ignored so much by the time you get to, you know, March of 2026 of the corruption and the hatefulness, and I'm glad James, Comey's dead.

All that stuff that like, you're pretty insulated in what I've found. James, Comey's still alive, just to be--

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James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

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James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

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James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

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James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her.

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James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. James, comey is walking me in her. And there was a law that any new nuclear deal with Iran would have had to be ratified and it's not guaranteed that we could have ratified it. So that's another, that's a more legitimate hesitation. My own view looking back is I wish we had taken that on. So candidate Biden campaigned on going back into the JCPOA.

Comey and a Harris supported that. I was for it. That was like the Democratic position and it was the Biden Harris position. And then when, when, you know, once he was elected in took office, it was boy, there's a lot of opposition in the Hill, all these critiques. Let's try to get a better deal. Remember longer and stronger.

Sure. So the go-in in position was, yes, we do support the JCPOA, but, you know, things are different now getting closer to the deadline. So let's try to get a better deal with the legitimate concern that Congress might not have supported a deal if it quote unquote wasn't good enough because they would have to ratify a new deal.

Looking back, I wish, and I don't like to jump credit for anything, but one thing he has shown a inability to do is just say like, here's what we're doing and if you don't like it tough.

And I would have liked to, to test the proposition. Have the president say, look, I campaigned on this. The American people supported it. We're going back into the deal.

And I'm going to make my case. And, you know, put the onus on senators to reject it if they, if that's what they were going to do.

Now, obviously, you know, Trump controls his Congress in the way that Biden never did. So it was much harder for us to do what I kind of wish we had done because how do we done it that would have still prevented. Iran from moving towards a nuclear capability all the way through the Biden term and the Harris term. And then we would have no problem. You wrote an iPad about this last year, actually, that the details of which given what's haven't been Iran over the last three weeks feel a little bit shaky or about whether Trump can actually do things without political costs.

But I think that the broader point is something that that resonates with me and it was the headline was what Democrats could learn from Trump's approach to the Middle East, the willingness to challenge received wisdom can yield results without political costs. And you kind of go through a list of things that he did, you know, moving the embassy, whatever, like, you know, meeting with the new Syrian leader. He taught all these things like people that Democrats don't be too cautious to do because they're worried that they're going to criticize on the panel on cable news that night, just riff on that a little more.

No, you gave a few examples, but other examples, he was also negotiating with Iran. You know, now we know it like it didn't work out and he bombed Iran, but it was prepared to negotiate with Iran potentially do a deal even if, like, traditional Republicans might not have supported it. He showed a willingness and had he gotten something he would have just done it and said, like, go along. You mentioned sitting down with the new, you know, former terrorist leader of Syria and negotiate with Hamas directly we would have been killed for that and we would have been afraid of of doing it.

He did a ceasefire with the Houthis that excluded Israel. Remember, you know, he escalated against the Houthis as well, which is relevant to current contexts. We could talk about that because it's interesting they haven't joined the fight yet, and that could be another huge cost on us if they do. And they block the red sea, but he thought he could escalate against the Houthis. Biden was weak.

I'm going to bomb them and they're going to come along, but they didn't.

And then we started, you know, the cost started to rise a billion dollars a week.

And then he just said, all right, that's off.

He didn't promise not to strike Israel, but he did it anyway. And then there were later examples, including on the Gaza ceasefire that he finally negotiated. And it looked like Israel was going to say, no, it's not good enough. We need more and Trump said, no, it is good enough. I'm taking Hamas as yes for an answer, even though it was a complete yes.

So that's got a long list of things, including, or maybe in particular in the Middle East, where he was just willing to say, Look, this is what I'm doing, and if people don't like it, you know, too bad. So I do like have nostalgia and regret that we couldn't and didn't do more of that. But I will acknowledge, as I alluded to, it's just structurally different.

You know, he had a Congress that was going to be, and a party that was just g...

And we didn't, he has a cult and we didn't.

Yeah, he has a cult, yeah. Even still, strong and wrong. I'm because with the Democrats, you see it on both sides.

Like there's being scared of their own shadow on both sides, right?

It's scared of the Republican critique, it's going to call them too weak. You know, but also, you know, scared of the internal, you know, dynamics, sometimes it's a left flank, sometimes it's kind of the center of flight.

I just, you know, depends on the situation, right?

But I don't, I'm strong and wrong, I think, because you're talking about the politics of it. And that's just, obviously, strong and wrong goes a lot a long way. And sort of authentic, authenticity goes a long way to like, this is my view. And, you know, I respect you if you have a different view. And the JCPRI is a good example of that.

It had been our view for 10 years, like we were right.

And I just say, that's an example where I think we could have should have and, like, should now, yes, some will criticize this and no play politics with it.

But here's why it's right. And here's why we're doing it.

And people, I think people respect that, too. This is less of a compliment to retrace, but to the shamelessness also goes along ways, shamelessness about changing views, shamelessness about whatever. When I told people I was having you on, obviously, the number one question everybody wanted me to ask you is, like, why didn't device president just distance yourself from, the Biden policy more, particularly with a goes to Gaza. A lot of the feedback you get sometimes is like, well, that would that have been believable, you know, would there have been blowback on that?

It's the type of thing that if you're taking this lesson that you could have just said no, I was against it and kind of bullied through that, if that was a view. And I wonder whether you think that was the hold up whether it was political concerns or something else. So a couple of things on that. I mean, first of all, what we're talking about is not a sitting vice president of the United States, like, if you were just some random candidate or the president, we're both saying, I think, there's a time for like, this is my view like it or not.

Authenticity, strength, whatever. That is not ideal if you're the vice president of the United States and you've been supporting a policy all along. You know, she did speak out a couple of times that even raised some tensions at the White House and Dubai and she talked about Palestinian suffering and in Selma, the following spring and really made clear. Or feelings about what was happening in Gaza and starvation and the need to support Palestinians. But she was also the vice president and even once she became the nominee, I mean, just think that through.

And we're also making policy and trying to get a ceasefire and to advertise in advance a strong difference with the president or maybe even, you know, willingness to stop sending arms to Israel. While he's trying to use pressure on how much to get a ceasefire, like that is not not only not a good look, but it's not a good policy. And I just, I just don't think, you know, she was going to run the risk of affecting policy that the president of the United States was making.

The risk of Donald Trump becoming president, I think, was a lot greater than the risk of her position impacting that negotiation, I think.

And so I do think it was kind, and I interviewed her a couple of months ago and said this, I think it was incumbent upon her on this and across a number of different areas to like. Ignore, you know, nice cities or short term political considerations or short term geopolitical considerations and favor of doing the best she could in order to defeat Donald Trump given the scale of the threat. Well, I certainly agree with that, like winning this election and preventing Trump from being a president arguably Trump's no pun intended virtually any other.

Go, I wouldn't minimize, you know, geopolitical concerns was a war going on, the most it was really important to end it obviously the Biden policy didn't work. I mean, famously, it was only a hundred seven days, you know, so people should have looked at it. But it's good of weighted for the hundred seven days, you know, not to again, not to minimize it. But also, this critique assumes that a different policy would have potentially wonder the election, not sure that's true. I mean, for a whole range of reasons, I haven't been convinced by the logic and, you know, I did policy and politics, but the idea that she had a different tone or stance on Gaza, which is not to say, and I myself, you know, written about this and and said we should have done different things differently on Gaza, so I'm not defending that.

But I am questioning the notion that if she had come out for, you know, take your pick something different on Gaza, that would have actually affected the result of the election. I don't know, I was looking to verify to the result, my view is more that getting distance from Biden across a range of issues with those being one of them was absolutely necessary. It is one of them, and if I'm, I mean, I think immigration would have been on that list too, and there I do look back with regret that she didn't more clearly articulate her own views on the immigration question.

You know, by the time she was candidate, we had actually made some policy shifts to EO, the president did early in the summer, but she could never really answer the question, well, if that was a good idea, like why didn't you guys do it two or three years ago?

Was there a new brief term and stuff in private?

I'm not asking to betray confidence, but just generally speaking, like, were her views different than the policy on Gaza and immigration? So on Gaza were they different? Yeah, I think it's fair to say they were different, and like that came out, even though, you know, she was a super loyal vice president. She never split with the president. It didn't say anything that, you know, didn't clear with the system to make sure everybody was comfortable with it, but I think you could see where her gut was on the issue.

When she did the Selma speech and called for a ceasefire and described the, you know, whether it would she'd come from it. She was essentially using the same words Biden had used, but the way she used them. You could just tell, I mean, people felt like this was sincere, she had a passion, she cared about the issue, and people didn't get the same feeling from Biden.

She addressed this issue, I think, very clearly throughout, the press conference after she'd saw Netanyahu, you remember Trump once said, like, she refused to meet Netanyahu. She didn't refuse to meet him. She didn't go to his speech to Congress.

Well, Gaza was going on, but she did address the issue and said, she always believed Israel had the right to defend itself and should have the means to defend itself.

But then she spoke about the Palestinian issue in a way that I think showed a sort of instinctive feeling that was different from what the president was. Let's have a little fun now with the counterfactual. You do have some of the left wing critics who say that what's happening now. But both parties are the same. We've had a, you know, bipartisan efforts into the Middle East. I mean, shoot, you've wrote a book called The False Promise of regime change in the Middle East. You were her top foreign policy advisor.

I want to play for you a clip of a couple months ago now in fairness. This is the son, Piker, responding to a comment or saying that the Conlow wouldn't be getting us into this mess in the Middle East. Let's listen to that. I'll tell you this. If Conlow hears our president now, we wouldn't be drifting into the world through with Iran right now, Trump is a fakeless failure. We would be doing the exact same thing that we're doing right now. The only difference would be the only difference in terms of our dealings with Israel and Iran.

We were doing the one hundred percent verbate of the exact same shit. 100 percent. The only thing that would be marginally different would be the way that the Democrats are actually talking about why we must do it.

We'd be talking a whole game about how homophobic Iran is and how we must liberate the women there. We'd probably be a little bit more tactful about trying to implement regime change, a little bit more competent in our imperial ambitions, but by and large, we know exactly what it looks like. You are a foreign policy advisor. Is that true? What do we be doing the exact same thing?

No. And the thing about counterfactuals is, of course, like you can say whatever you want. Like I can't prove he is wrong. We'll never know.

And if you could, I mean, do you imagine yourself being the National Security Advisor for someone doing a regime change war on Iran? No. And as you say, I wrote a whole book on how regime change in the Middle East always goes wrong. And that we always seem to follow the same patterns of exaggerating the threat. And then overstating what we can accomplish with military force. And then finding out their unintended consequences. And then declaring victory because you think it's around the corner. And then finding out that the costs are.

And like that pattern we have repeated over and over again. And low and behold, it's exactly what Trump is doing right. So suddenly Iran was an imminent threat. We couldn't survive a day longer unless we used force and force would save protesters and get rid of the regime and deal with the nuclear issue. And even the declare victory thing. He did that in a number of times. He said, we've accomplished more in the first weeks we ever imagined. But then you find unintended consequences. Oil price strikes on neighbors, Russia benefiting, running out of interceptors in Ukraine.

So he is falling into the very trap that, you know, I wrote a whole book about thought a lot about.

And then I think, you know, Kamala Harris would share in terms of perspectives.

And she was very critical, you know, looking back about on Afghanistan and agreed that we needed to end that war after 20 years, very critical of the Iraq war.

So the idea that she would go into this with the same attitude as Trump. Now to be fair, Trump, you know, was a critic of all of those things kind of ran on the campaign of avoiding war. But no, that just doesn't resonate with me. She supported the Iran nuclear deal. She understood that Afghanistan and Iraq had gone, you know, terribly wrong. And just, you know, wouldn't have done. I think what we're saying now. And when Trump did it, she was very clear about what she thought about what he was doing.

So to me, this speaks to, I think the Democrats brand issue in foreign policy and like you said, your policy person not as much as the politics, but I'm curious you're viewing this like going forward now.

Because you get a little bit into the sour spot, right?

And then you have like a center, center of groups that thinks that the Democratic party is too weak, you know, the Biden Harris did not do enough to support Ukraine, you know, that the Biden Harris wouldn't have done enough to, you know, that they have Afghanistan withdrawal as a disaster.

And so like you end up in this place, we have groups on both sides that care unhappy, right, with you.

So how does that get repaired going forward? Thinking about a few issues, you know, kind of how the Democrats, it could maybe more authentically be anti war, how do they think about Israel, how do they think about using military power, what would you recommend to the folks that are trying to think about this? So you are right that the party is divided. I mean, you just got to be honest, though all of those views are represented, which doesn't make it easy, because and the issues are so people are passionate for good reason, and you know, not just about Gaza, but Iran, military intervention, Ukraine, these are like really serious issues.

So it's hard to just to lie down or sweep them aside, there's going to be a debate on these things, and everyone is not going to be happy, because you kind of have to choose, which goes back to my point earlier about, you know, strong and wrong and authentic, and whoever the candidates are, I think we'll just have to make a choice and say, look, this is what I believe, feel strongly about it, here's why, and if you don't like it vote for somebody else. Obviously going to be a tendency to try to, you know, bridge the gap, that's going to be hard on certain issues. So actually won't be hard on Iran, because I think this is a pretty strong consensus that, like, this is a disaster, and we wouldn't have done it.

Some may be more sympathetic to like the threat that Iran did pose than others, some would minimize it totally, and others would recognize that exists, and I think Kamala Harris would be in that camp. I would too, Iran is a threat, it's not an easy issue to deal with, but we just had better and different ideas about how to do so. I think on Israel, where that was so divisive, you know, under Biden and Vice President Harris, you know, had to deal with her views and supporting the president, I think it's still going to be controversial, but I think the politics on that have changed.

And I think what in the past and even the fairly recent past, something like arms conditionality was just a bridge too far would be deeply divisive and and a politician would be nervous about it.

I think it points in the other direction now, and I've, you know, I've addressed that myself and think like we should have gone in that direction earlier and it should do so now.

Just ending military assistance for Israel together, you know, I mean, I come out this as a former Republican, there have been a lot of pro Israel people that helped this view, I mean, this was Ben Shapiro, Markovins view for a long time that it's like under that basically what is happening now would happen, I mean, he had to hand it to those guys, but like they saw this coming, that's like if Israel's that dependent on us, eventually, that will breed resentments and you know, the American people will start to, you know, turn against Israel and that they need to figure out, you know, how to fund that.

You know, how to fund their own military. To me, that seems logical and like something the Democrats could do in 28, where where are you on that?

I agree, I think that issue has gone from something that would have been like bold and risky and controversial and moderate politician with shy away from.

To probably the base case, you know, I was in the Obama administration in Obama proposed to extend that MOU and that was like a, you know, seem to be smart politics show that you know, had Israel's back for a long period of time to come. I think now if we'd be tough to make the case that the US taxpayer should be funding this, you know, pretty rich country and I think that's probably where we're headed. Now, conditionality would affect arm sales as well as giving them money, but I think that's probably where most of the democratic candidates will be like looking to wind that down.

Thinking about how to deal with our allies and then also Trump's new corrupt allies. So let's do the latter first.

El Salvador cut a deal with Donald Trump, where they started housing president is illegally. How should the Democrats think about how to deal with something like that going forward? Trump is in business with multiple leaders in the Gulf States, UAE is in business with families, outies in business with this family cutter is giving them a plane. The Democrats assuming we get out of this and you have somebody coming in 2029, how do they deal with, you know, those nation states and our relationships with them and whether they need to be accountability.

It remains stunning to me that there hasn't been more of a political price fo...

I mean, it's not even hidden and let alone we haven't talked about markets. I began this conversation about the roller coaster and the wild swings and you know, the way they're timed when markets opening and closing.

The opportunity and, you know, according to some reporting, not just opportunity, but people take advantage of the opportunity to make money off of that is off the charts and it's kind of disappointing to me that like that's not more of an issue.

The administration's in which I served people were rightly just so sensitive about any perception of double dealing corruption and everything went through ethics lawyers.

I had to refrain from like even speaking at a think tank dinner if, you know, there was a meal served and that exceed like there were people looking at the details of all of that and now it's just in our face and doesn't seem to hurt the president's support. But it has to be an issue for Democrats to run on that anyway, there's still let's hope Americans out there that don't want to see our country run as a kleptocracy like others. And again, whoever the candidates are, whether it's, you know, legislation or commitment, now I, you know, press administrations are pretty firm on commitments of people serving. I, you know, I think, you know, Jared Kushner Kushner is someone who is, you know, seen to be doing business while in the administration.

We jumped through so many whoops, they passed a law that you could have a special advisor for more than a year without support from Congress and then like he's just serving in the administration just blowing through that.

I guess I also mean that what about our relationships with those countries do we just move on like nothing happened like are there threats investigations.

I mean, I mentioned how Trump would deal with few have come in and it was going out that like Hunter Biden really was making 500 million dollars a billion dollars and a deal with some other country.

I mean, I think that there would be a lot of threats and brow beating and, you know, forcing, you know, may occult us who the hell knows, right? I feel like that was like a critique of the Biden administration last time is that everybody's just like let's move forward. And you just move forward and have normalized relationships with Luckella and NBS and all these guys after we're going to have to see where we are at the time. I'm not sure, you know, we don't have someone speaking for the part we don't know who the next president's going to be who could come out right now and say I'm putting, you know, down a marker.

These will be the following consequences for anybody who's dealing with Trump, but you can come out and say that, you know, this is the things that we're not going to participate in. They're not going to be tolerated. We'll remember who does what and investigate and we can investigate. Yeah, and that's, you know, all the more reason of the need to take Congress and Congress should and can investigate and bring to light what has been happening both, you know, internally and externally. And then what about the ally side of this, we also have the Mark Carney speech earlier this year just talking about the way that the world is reorienting and it's kind of like again, you know, fool me once, shame on you, fool me twice, shame on me.

I think for a lot of our more traditional allies, it's like, okay, let's say that whatever, you know, some normal democratic gets in next time.

Are those relationships repairable or things permanently changed?

Now, I get that question a lot from those allies that sort of like asking me, like, you know, is there any chance that that you guys come back and we can repair these relationships or or just Trump represent something, you know, just fundamentally different. And I wish I could promise that, you know, the latter wasn't the case, you know, because as I was just saying, you know, he got a lot of support, he won twice. Clearly, he reflects some attitude and a lot of its resentment towards allies. I would like to believe that it's possible to come back to some respect for the importance of allies for international law for

multilateral organizations and if nothing else, Trump is showing us the value of those things, a straight-of-war mood thing was just a classic where he just, you know, for a year, for over a year, you know, treats our allies terribly, you know, does unilateral terrorist demands an unbalanced trade deal. The threatens to take Greenland with military force, disparages their contributions to Afghanistan, and then launches this war that they weren't consulted about. And then he shows up and says, like, you guys have to bail us out bail me out in the straight.

That's a great example of how treating allies terribly comes back to backfire. And I'd like to believe we, you know, Americans are seeing that. And Trump is making a great case for, you know, treating allies with respect and working with him. I think I kind of felt like Greenland was a turning point on this issue. Yeah, because right up through Greenland, you know, Davos, Trump's learned experience was the allies would just suck it up and take it. And we could do whatever we wanted the unilateral terrorists and balance trade deal.

What a, on Ukraine, and they would just come rushing after him praising him, ...

And we've got this anti-corruption instrument that will unleash your firms and will deploy troops to Greenland. And that started effect U.S. markets and then Trump, you know, invented this framework and back down. So I think that was a kind of turning point of Europeans realized, you know, leverage against Trump works too, and sometimes you actually have to stand up to them. And they did the same thing on the straight of almost.

You're having conversations with a lot of, you know, folks around the world who are kind of looking at various threats, what else is on people's mind.

Well, the biggest thing on their mind is, like, the threat from us. And, you know, just like, I think we both said earlier that.

Also winning the last election or the next one is the biggest geopolitical issue of our time. I think they would agree with that too. Because if America is not, you know, an ally and a force for good and law and stability and justice, then everybody is in trouble. And I think they realize the degree to which they are in trouble.

I think a lot of our allies, especially in Europe, were in denial for most of the first year.

Just like they were in denial for most of the first term of Trump that, you know, okay, it was the tough patch, but he'll go away.

And someone else will come back and Biden kind of reassured them, you know, traditional views, America's back.

And then the first year too, they just like hope to get through it, but it is starting to sink in just how much they have to worry about.

And so for the whole world, the stakes in our election, in our next election just couldn't be higher.

That's filled Gordon. I really appreciate the time. I'm good to meet you. Thanks for having me on. All right. Thanks so much. To both of our guests today, we wanted to have both of them run for a minute. And we've got such a good schedule this week. We just gave y'all a double header. So hope you enjoyed the jumbo podcast. Really appreciate pumps and Phil Gordon for coming on the show.

We got a new guest tomorrow, but I'm excited about this. So make sure to check your feeds. We'll see y'all then. The board podcast is brought to you. Thanks to the work of lead producer Katie Cooper, associate producer Ansley Skipper, and with video editing by Katie Loots and audio engineering and editing by Jason Brown.

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