[MUSIC]
Hello and welcome to the board podcast.
I'm your host Tim Miller. I'd like to welcome you to the show. He was the lead media strategist for Zoran Mamdami's campaign for mayor. He's based on the Democratic strategy firm, fight agency, or his work with other populist upstarts like Graham Platner and Dan Osborne.
He used to lie about his age, but now he's comfortable telling people what he's 26 and a half years old, more scouts. What's up, Morris? It's nice fear, Tim, and I'm two months to my birthday.
“So, we're well boring, well into three quarters, right?”
Yeah, 26 and three quarters. Yeah. Oh, wow, good for you. Congratulations. I'm very happy for you.
I hope I get invited to the party. We've got a bunch of talk about the Texas Senate Prime areas. We've got to talk about Graham and Zoran, but for people who aren't familiar with your lore, where did you come from? I counted a 26 and three quarters year old man and up as Zoran's wing man at the White House.
Pretty randomly. So, I grew up in Lorman-Hatton, both my parents are kind of in the arts or arts of Jason.
It's always thought that I was going to be a TV writer, a screenwriter, a playwright like
my father, and then was writing about kind of a variety of things and had written this profile about a woman who was running for office in North Carolina. I always liked politics, but it was kind of like a hobby, a father, a toy, a father, a New York Knicks or something, but I never dreamed of being on the bench with the next. And the kind that reached out to me afterwards, it was like, this really captured my voice
in campaign vision.
“Would you ever think about coming and working for me?”
And it was during COVID, it was like, how did she find it? Did you post it? It was like writing a number of different things and I reached out to her because it seemed like an interesting story and as soon as she read it, she was like, "Oh, this was great." So, which I guess is an interesting avenue to get hired places to write glowing profiles
about people. I feel like, can I have a job? But then I went to North Carolina and like, really informed the part that I think you to appreciate of it is we did this 100 county, 100 day tour that kind of informed my entire political identity in some ways of like, you know, on hindsight, I was such an idiot.
So, we, you know, kind of pushing the kind of like, we should be talking about the Green New Deal and UBI. And, you know, we're in all these world counties in North Carolina, 80, 20 Trump counties. And you see, like, you say, like, some of the slang which and people's eyes, you know, plaza over there, like that, checked out. And by the end of the 100 county tour, we kind of tweaked a lot of that, so it was without
our use equally progressive or populist. But more in the lane than we as a party should be, it would be like, we need to take on Duke Energy, because there should not be one energy monopoly ruling this city. We're all North Carolina deserves better than a bill fund, me health care system and a dollar store economy.
We need a role new deal, because we should have universal broadband and post offices should have banking. So, like, you know, this kind of populism that I actually would resonate and you see people's head shaking and standing up and clapping. And so, that was kind of my formative experience.
But while I was there, I started making videos and ads because I knew how they worked on sets throughout my childhood and high school years and some college years and so, and other
“people started hitting me up being like, hey, who made this video?”
I was like, I did. And then one thing led to another than a colleague, Tommy McDonald hired me and was like, hey, you're starting to do some progressive stuff. I do a lot of progressive stuff. And I'm trying to win the 51st Senate seat in John Thetterman to come work with me and do
those things together. And I was like, how, how, yeah, we're going to get back to Thetterman in a minute, too. I did do some research, it's an ice to be an op-o man that North Carolina house racer. It's important to have a good origin story. I love that for you.
Thank you. You didn't lose that, like, 63 to 30. I mean, you guys didn't really know why. Really hurt. We were up in a pool three weeks out.
And then Apex went three million dollars a month in the final three weeks that race.
Three million dollars. I'm not sure that, I mean, there's some powerful ads out there. You've made some powerful ads. But I don't know if a 33 point swing. I'm trying to super pack ad.
I don't know. I don't know. I don't know. We can go back and make sure we live. What happened in that race?
So you end up meeting Zoroan. I kind of figured you guys are like old buddies. You hang out a lot. Morse is everywhere with Zoroan, but that's not true. He asked you to come onto the campaign or what had that happened?
He asked to get a cup of coffee. We were introduced by a mutual friend Jeff Simpson. I remember kind of being skeptical, like, oh, can I 33-year-old Muslim socialist become the next mayor of New York City? Within five minutes, this guy can become the next mayor of New York City without a doubt.
You've talked to him. He's got, like, you either have it or you don't. I think, like, people don't like to talk about that side of politics, but it's true. And he has it. A lot of people, I think, particularly for offices like mayor, it's kind of like, oh,
I'm running for this office because this isn't office that's open.
He had such a distinct analysis of how this office could be used to address a...
crisis.
And it was just like, you know, sometimes in those first meetings, you ask me, can't it
why are you running? And you get like four minutes of like, well, you know, and it was just happening with Scott Walker. It sounds like the inverse of my meeting with Scott Walker when he's governor of Wisconsin. I was like, why do you want to be president?
And if you gave me, like, a UW-the-cross college Republican stump speech, and I was like, I'm, wait a minute, and then at the end of the video, he's like, aren't you supposed to help me with that? I was like, I'm 27. Hey, no, you can't, that's it, she's on 27 year olds.
Yeah, no, but you're ready for president. Yeah. Okay. So you and Zoran, he has it. You become pals.
I start running the long shot campaign or doing the mad guy for it. You're supposed to be on last week, I should say, but you snubbed me for Donald Trump. Okay. As we had scheduled for you to be here at the day that Zoran was going to Trump. See Trump.
And you wanted, you just wanted to hang out, he goes your second time at the White House. So I thought, why hang out with a, with a Ryan out when I can hang out with a real real real Republican.
We've never backed away from what they believed in this fair, you know, or a pop to somebody
that you have, you know, some populist affinities for, we're going to get to that in a second. What was it like? I mean, you go twice, it's got to be strange, you know, the entire experience with the mayor has been surreal and you find yourself in a lot of positions you never imagined being in.
“I think, you know, and this one was, you know, the mayor's ship staff, L, and the mayor,”
and the president's ship staff and the president in the oval, talking through the kind of, you know, details of some of the stuff that's been laid out. It's crazy to see. And I think I'm still processing it in a way. It's the way you want to, so much of the kind of political universe, I think, does now
revolve around the mayor of New York in a way that it's he's someone who no one knew who he was a year ago, and you know, constantly feels like a fever jam. What was the plan for Trump's the first time? The second time, I assume you kind of had your sea legs a little bit and kind of knew what you're going to get into.
But like the first time, Trump does these things where he brings, and you saw it having a poor grudge of Whitmer, you know, she's there in the office to try to get a, I forgot, now it's been a while. I think it was a military base, you know, for Michigan, and next thing, you know, Trump's doing an executive order, you know, talking about how he wants Chris Krebs to be putting
jail, and she's hiding behind a vanilla folder, you don't know what's going to happen, right, like he's all around going in there, and Trump could have said that, you know, he's sending the troops into, into Queens, you know, they're probably not Queens. They're somehow saying the troops are all along, you know, find the Dominican, whatever.
“You know, and how did you kind of plot that out, how to navigate that?”
I think one thing like surprises people continuously about the mayor is, and this is the kind of thing like, you would agree with, or else where it's like, his job is to tangibly improve the lives of New Yorkers, and he's like pretty relentlessly focused on that, and so there's like, you know, if you strip everything else away, it's like Donald Trump is the president of the United States.
We don't have control over that at this moment.
We thought that up when we had the chance, and so the president has an incredible ability
to improve or decrease the quality of why it's for New Yorkers, and it, like, you know, I think in the kind of public portion of that meeting, you saw the mayor relentlessly pivot back to what can we find in common to adjust the affordability crisis in New York to improve the quality of life in New Yorkers, to keep New Yorkers safe, and that was not dissimilar to if you heard any of the private conversations.
It was like, we're not going there to change Donald Trump's politics, we're not going there to, you know, argue about all the very public areas of disagreement. It's we're going there to the mayor of New York, then your job is to make life better for New Yorkers. Yeah, I mean, that obviously worked out, and luckily, as you mentioned, he's got it, he's charming. They're had to have been some red lines, though, right? Like, I mean, what if Trump kind of
Trump was out there, you know, talking about how Haitians are eating dogs and cats, you know, in Harlem, I have to assume that Zauron's response to that wasn't going to be, that's possible, sir, but I'm really just looking forward to lower to making housing and rent more affordable for the dog eating Haitians, right? Like, that wasn't going to be the answer. No, that wouldn't, that would not have been the scripted response.
“No, I think, like, and I think, again, like, this is even being clear in the public parts,”
which, like, there's a lot of room for maybe, like, Mr. President, I disagree with that, and every fun, I think it's offensive, I think it's racist. I don't accept talking about my constituents like that. I'm here to talk about how we can build more housing, how we can lower the cost of groceries, how we can address the affordability crisis we build around on. Yeah. I think what's made the mayor's coalition so large is this, like, pretty simple
premise and Donald Trump's most extreme example of it, but we can disagree on a lot of different things, but that shouldn't preclude us from focusing on areas of potential agreement, and that's, like, the fundamental nature of coalition building. When you're in the second time, Trump does like to ask random people that likes for their opinion, some things that are still around get, or you get quizzed about the Iran war,
Did you were there right there on the ground?
This Mark L. wasn't around, you didn't like that. It was all focused on New York. There was the Colombian young woman that had been detained that Zona talked to President Trump about, you know, the ice had stormed into a Colombian dorm in detainter, and there are a couple other people that he mentioned, she got released. There was some chatter in social media that you brought the picture of her because she is pretty good looking and that Trump's maybe gave her
a hand to see because of that. Is that what happened, or? The only print out brought was of the daily news covers. Who came up with the daily news cover? That was the mayor. That was right.
I always say, like, people always like, you know, oh, like, you're trying to, you're
like, it's like coaching Michael Jordan. You know, like, that's not to say, like, Phil Jackson's not a great coach or anything, but it's like, Michael Jordan's getting 35 a game no matter what. That was, you can bring yourself to the Zennaster now. You can bring yourself to the Zennaster now. You can bring yourself to the Zennaster now. We can bring yourself to the Zennaster. We can bring you to the Zennaster. We can see my Montana ranch and what I do when I take over the New York
next month, seven days. So no, so it wasn't her hotness. It was Zona and just compelled him that it could be the compelling argument of if you may have our share of humanity, something. Wow.
“I'm not sure if I believe about that. Here's here's my concern about the meeting. Can I offer”
this to you? Here's my concern about how I handle it. Because I agree with everything you said
in the micro. He's the mayor of New York and he's got an obligation just to constituents, including that young woman and thank God she's out. And, you know, hopefully you can make things more affordable for people in New York. Like that said, he also is like an avatar now for this kind of left politics. And I worry that there is like a horseshoe alliance against just regular liberals that gets formed where Zona and Trump are kind of chumbing it up. And, you know, younger people in particular who
like don't like the establishment and don't like the democratic party and don't, you know, think that liberals are incompetent or like, hey, look at these guys. You know, they're both outsiders fighting, fighting the corporate establishment. And in some way, it kind of, I don't know,
like provides some cover for Trump and for, for Maga folks. Does that, do you guys think about that?
“So, where about you, you little? I think it's obviously like a valid. Like personally, my”
thought is like, I don't fully disagree with the analysis. Like I think, I think the president oftentimes is not delivering on any of those things that he ran on. But I do think like in general, the kind of what you're defining here is like the liberal wing or the neoliberal wing of the party has been like totally ineffective and has failed a lot of people. And I think showing, you know, I think like when we talk about like the swing voter or the persuadable voter, it's oftentimes still
framed and like we're talking about like the suburban mom who had voted for Romney then voted for Hillary. And it's like what we've, if we've seen anything, we've seen that like that's not a sustainable electoral coalition. And the factual like swing voters are a lot of the people who, you know, you're referencing here, who frankly are already there on Trump on the president. Like the mayor going and doing some, you know, creating some big scene or it isn't going to then suddenly make them
“dislike the president. It's where they are, but I think the mayor going and showing, hey,”
Democrats to talk about affordability to the Democrats can be concerned about the affordability crisis, Democrats can roll up their sleeves and get to work and want to get things done and engage and meet them on platforms where they are. Actually, like, openings of the workcraft to maybe the Democratic party is redeemable. Maybe there's some Democrats I'm willing to vote for. And kind of, you know, creates a lane of communication that doesn't exist otherwise. And I think like
the horseshoe exists for voters and it's a question of whether like our politicians are ever going to meet them there as well. I don't know. I guess I just, I said this when it happened. If you have an alternate universe, a bizarre world where how keen goes to the oval office and smiles with Trump and at the end of that, the outgrowth of it is hey, we've got 12,000 new houses that are being built. I think that a lot of the left populist anti establishment types
would be like fuck you, hawking like screw this. Like that's like you went and met with the fascist and you got 12,000 houses out of it, the corporate shill, you know. And so I, maybe that's just, you know, the nice part about working for Michael Jordan. But I think that's fit, but I also think like there's a reality of their positions where it's like the mayor's not in charge of negotiating the budget for the US federal government or something. You know,
it's like this is the area where there's room for collaboration and it kind of is under his job description. I also think there's a sense of the mayor going with purpose. I think a lot of times I think that's felt frustrating about democratic leadership and it's engagement with Trump is like I can't even articulate back to you what the plan is. And it's like agree with it or disagree with it. You can articulate back to me like the mayor went in with an agenda to get someone released,
Wasn't a agenda to get an agreement on housing, wasn't it?
with the war like Democrats put up the, you know, I think at least it was like in 36 hours emergency
virtual caucus meeting. And like that's not the world we live in anymore. Houses are not in
“immediate emergency parks. Houses are not like I think it's the incoherence that sometimes draws the”
year. Here's one example for that where I will agree with you. This is yesterday, Chuck Schumer talking about the war itself. Well, no one wants a nuclear war. No one wants a nuclear Israel, but we certainly don't want an endless war plain and simple. What did I say? Oh, no, he's got it. Let me say that again. No one wants an endless war, but we certainly don't want a nuclear Iran. That's for sure. So there you go. Chuck's point there is that he has the
gaff about nuclear Israel, which is kind of like the case. Oh, he's just being a running for free.
Yeah, Freudian slip of a mom. And then, and then he says no one wants an endless war,
which to me is like the wrong construct for this if you're a Democrat on the hill right now, because I don't think any Democrats, I want a one day war with Iran. They didn't want to go in at all. And so it like feels like he's like leaving the door open for him. I kind of speak your point about what was I saw on how to discreet task. And it's like, what is even asking for here? The message is very muddled. I've been shocked by the degree that a lot of Democrats
have focused on the lack of congressional intervention or approval. When on the verge of starting a war and being like, my issue with this war is I didn't have the opportunity to vote for it is crazy. And even like the people who are just like, how come when you Congress needs to vote on this now? It's like, how would you vote? You're not even saying in your tweets and in your statements or in your cable news hits, how you'd vote. And this indicative of it's this like
total blob mentality where there's just such a like broken DC mind thing of like the real outrage here is that we haven't weighed in on the war. And it's like, how could you be so far removed from
“what anyone's thinking? And then I also you have like, I mean, I think like you're seeing what”
you're seeing what like very wise that CBS or something is just that the drum beat of war. And seeing a party that seems totally incapable of understanding maybe it's our obligation to be making the arguments against this war even where people are already naturally trending. But it's like there's this kind of waiting to see where the polling is going to come down thing that I think is just so insane where it's like, no, it's the easiest argument to make. It's the morally necessary
arguments to make, just make it. And instead you get this like Chuck Schumer, we shouldn't have a nuclear, Israel, we shouldn't have a nuclear Iran, we shouldn't have endless war. It's like what like, no, the President's brand on delivering an era of peace and affordability. And instead costs are going up and he's dragging us back into the Middle East. It's a slam dunk political message. And whatever, like whatever the opposite of coaching Michael Jordan is is what it feels like
watching Chuck Schumer, where it's like an open layup and he's just missing and missing and you're bubbling the ball around. I keep saying this because I'm like, maybe it'll help break through to the Democrats with the list of to being able to watch the ball. It's like, I used to be, I'm a neocon. Like, I want freedom for the Iranian people. And I'm even like, this is crazy. This is crazy. It's just just, just, no war for a long time. John Bolton was like, hey,
no war. Like, they don't have a plan. It's a, it's a horrendous idea. They shouldn't be doing it. It's a betrayal of his voters. It's going to make things more expensive. No. No. Yeah. It is, yeah, the easiest possible message every single person agrees on except for a handful of the most
powerful Democrats in the country. The other element told us to the Chuck Schumer gap,
but I don't want a nuclear Israel, is the question of Israel, which obviously was strangely central in the New York mayor's race. My podcast contributed to that a little bit. Yeah. And when I asked a run about globalizing that to Fata, we're doing what we could pack to that in a second. But, you know, I thought one of his best answers in the debate was when they were asked about who's going to visit Israel and everybody else was like, I will and so on.
It's like, I'm, I'm just going to stay in New York. Not again. I'm not planning any trips. But I kind of drew your Jewish and like, you know, kind of navigate like that, becoming so central to this race where like Zoran's strong position on the war on the Gaza war ends up making this, you know, kind of a New York mayor's race is like partly about what's happening to York,
“but partly about like these other issues. Like, how did you guys navigate that? I think the”
part to me that was both, I think, telling and frustrating at times is, you know, the mayor went asked about the stuff as well as honest and direct with where he is in his position and has a long record of being outspoken on this issue. But like, we held zero press conferences
Being like, no, what we want to do today, we want to talk about, we running f...
city, we want to talk about what's happening in Gaza, or we want to talk about like, he'd be asked
about it. He'd comment, you know, there are things he'd call out on social media that were clear, but it was really like the Cuomo campaign and some of the other kind of, you know, mainstream media,
“and others that were obsessed with this issue. And I think it then became this kind of circular”
effect, where I'd hear from people in my life would be like, all Zaron's talking about this real. And it's like, no, no, all he's having a press conference on fast and free buses and he's getting six questions about Israel and Andrew Cuomo's sending three press releases a day about Israel. That debate moment to me was like indicative of the campaign that's entirety where it's like you have like Andrew Cuomo and I handful people kind of screaming from the rooftops. Well, this guy
is calling you to genocide and then you have like the voters of New York kind of being like, well, yeah, it seems like a genocide and also why are you talking about it so much? And it's like a little, you know, it was like, I feel like it's the reverse where people were like, well, Zaron just can't shut the fuck up about Israel. And it's like, no, Andrew Cuomo can just shut the fuck up about Israel because there's this disconnect with like the,
you know, it's all you're hearing from like the donor class and from powerful special interests,
“and it's actually like, I think where the, you know, there are a handful voters who have very strong”
feelings on both sides. I think where the average voter is is like, why do my politicians seem like a little incoherent when they're talking about this? And why are they talking about it so much and it feels fake? The way that did connect to New York is a local issue is like concerns about anti-Semitism, like they were anti-Semitic attacks in New York that there have been, there's been an uptick in that recently for a while. I've read some of the other interviews you did, we talked about how
you had like family members that were like worried about this and, you know, finger-wagon you about Zaron's perceived role in that. Like, I don't know if you guys process that, like, what do you feel like your responsibility was around, like the question of not what was happening in Israel, but like anti-Semitic threats in the city? I think, and I continue to believe, like, not only is obviously as a mayor like a hundred per thousand percent committed to
combating anti-Semitism as aggressively and openly as possible, but also that he's someone who's uniquely able to do it. And that, you know, he has credibility because of his universal ability to call out hate and bigotry and human rights violations and so there's no more credible messenger on
“these things than that. And I think, you know, and I'll say this, because if there's sometimes I think in”
the kind of social media clip area, there's obligation to say everything all the time, sometimes, you know, it's like, there'll be a clip where he's asked about something and then the clip he's responding to the question and then people like, well, you didn't say Hamas's a terrorist organization.
As I believe he says, he said it in a million times, he didn't say in that one clip,
but then that clip circulating and it creates this kind of hysteria. On the kind of personal fund, it's just, it's deeply frustrating experience kind of getting in these interactions around like, this is someone who I know, this is someone who I love, this is someone who, I know there's, you know, kind of bad bone his body who's so deeply thinks about these things and cares about these things and feels these things, yet you're telling me because you saw like some kind of
chopped up clip on social media, who he is, is a little grating at times. But you guys are where, I mean, this has been any campaign more aware of the social media like obligations and opportunities than you guys and in some ways, I would point this out in your defense a lot of times. Like, he was obviously conscious of posting condemnations when there were anti-Semitic acts in New York. And like, look, there are bad things that happen in New York to people of every race and, you know,
religious background every day, like the big fucking city, lots of bad stuff happens. So he can't post a tweet every time something that happens to somebody, but like it seemed like he was conscious of that which was important. Absolutely. What I mean by the social media thing is merely like the nature of algorithms. Right. He post those and like, I would have conversations with people and they'd be like, why, why didn't he condemn ABC and I'm like, he did like, and I'd pull up the statements,
but it's like, they're algorithms aren't feeding them that. They're other than feeding them a video of him at some point, you know, and it's like, you know, they're kind of construction to break through into some of those bubbles. Here's some I worry about the algorithm on the one in your perspective. I'm, I feel like a little bit as a Catholic, this feels like fake, you know, it's a cradle Catholic, it feels like why am I, you know, imputing this concern on you. But you have,
you have a, your family has a fake Jewish crest, you have a fake Jewish crest tattoo. Yeah, it's true. It's not a Nazi tattoo. There's no skull. No. It's fake tattoo. It is yet a tax family crest because Jews could have crests too. You understand, I like the algorithmic thing that I worry about is I see it is, and it's kind of related to the horseshoe conversation about Zona going to the lighthouse is that there are a lot of left folks who had legit obviously outrage
Anger and sadness about what was happening in Gaza, and so they're consuming ...
media about that, love that the images from Gaza or advocates or, you know, commentators talking
about how bad it was. And then all of a sudden, and there's social media algorithm, like, they started to get candy so-and-so-and-so-and-so-and-tucker in Nick Flint to listen to Peters. You know, because they were saying similar things about Gaza, but then they also are actual anti-Semites, actual right-wing hate-longers, and like you see people, like I have friends of friends who have
“like gone down this pipeline from I'm very concerned about Gaza to now, I think that like the”
Epstein files showed that great soda was a code for child sex trafficking and that the most odd killed Charlie Kirk, and like that's like a real pipeline, and I just wonder if you felt like you guys have like some at least obligation to try to be a, you know, a damn in that pipeline, and at least talk about that kind of stuff more just for that reason. Well, yeah, absolutely, I think like, to me, it's what's dangerous,
my biggest pet peeve, like as a Jew, is the very deliberate lane of messaging that makes noticed the tension between Zionism and Judaism. It makes that a lot easier. You know, if you're one of those people in your scrolling and then you're scrolling, you see 80% of democratic politicians are ever saying things like to anti-Semitic to say it's a genocide. And then you're suddenly you're someone who's there who believes of genocide, you're like, all right, well, then call me
and say, you know, like it opens this door a little bit when there's this, there's, if you're
critical of Israel, you're critical of the Jewish people, and if you want to support the Jewish people,
“you need to be in, you know, lockstep with Israel. I think creates the permission structure for that.”
And so I think there's an obligation of the kind of anti-interventionist propelstein left, you know, to constantly be articulating the distinction between anti-Semitism and anti-Semitism, because we need that to exist and to be clear. And so there's an obligation there, but I also think there's an obligation like, what I'd say to Chuck Schumer if he was on this call of us, which would be a good, we should do that at some point. Yeah, the three of us would be like,
you say you care so deeply about Israel's safety and Israel's right to exist, you are putting it at risk by conflating all of these different things, by pretending that there's not a massive distinction between Netanyahu and between a democratic vision of what government should look like, or between the Jewish people in Israel. I agree with the distinction between anti-Semitism. I also think this, I can't see what's in random people's heart on social media, certainly when they're not
showing me their face and it's just, you know, whatever, like a random anime avatar, but sometimes when I'm looking in their eyes and people are saying the word Zionist, it doesn't seem like it's really just a critique of BB Netanyahu. You sometimes see Zionists thrown around a little willy-nilly and with a malice that I could understand that might make people a little uncomfortable. My feeling on it sometimes is that not all anti-Semitism is anti-Semitism, but anti-Semitism
“certainly at moments manifest is anti-Semitism, and I think like, there should be room to”
condemn it where it is such. One more thing on Zara and then I'll get to national stuff. I've been noticing something about Zara that he's been doing some stuff that I like. Oh and I don't want to get you into too much trouble. Yeah, I've listed a few things. Supported Kathy Hockel, over Delgado, kind of an entra family fight. Some of the working families, party people have been mad at him. He didn't, he didn't go to their
protest of Hockel. He's standed up to a couple trade unions even a couple times. It's homeless camps are being swept. We're doing some abundancey stuff. We talked about that. Me and him on this podcast. He's doing some abundancey stuff. I kept tish. I keep seeing him do some things that are like pretty pragmatic and, I don't want to say, it almost technical, eccentricity at times, sometimes a few things. My theory of the case is
because he was so strong on economic populism on Gaza. He has a lot more room to maneuver on this type of stuff than if it was somebody else. I'm wondering what you think of that assessment. I think a lot of it's also just the nature of an executive position. We're like, it's not Congress for you're just getting to pick what handful of bills you're in a sponsor or something. There's the day-to-day realities of governing and leading a sit-in.
I think like reality is centrist is what you're saying. You know, Bradley talked at some point said in the general action. He was like, you know, so when you talk to him, he seems like a technocratic socialist and like, you know, those with more leftist roots would say like, it's sewer socialism. And I got to one of the same things we're talking about.
I call them a libertarian socialism the other day when he is defending my right to have a snowball fight.
I saw that. That was a great clip. Yeah. And my second favorite clip to you,
I'm telling him to keep Jeffries to rip the Bandit off. What makes him a uniquely good leader is the belief, not just in like big government,
That for us to have big government, we need to have excellent government.
And it's not just about the kind of willy-nilly expansion of social services, but it's about every single day government firing on all cylinders. I'm like, you know, paving the bump over the Williamsburg Bridge, delivering more housing, and a faster rate. All these different, like, how can, you know, all the kind of plowing stuff
“around the storms, how can there be a government of excellence every single day?”
And that that can lead us to a place where we're in the longer a party or a country that's being apologetic about the role government plays because government's excellent in helping people's lives. And like, and then you know, Governor Huckle, I think the partnership there is a good example of like, you know, what the big tent party can look like. We're like, they don't need to agree on everything. They agree on building more housing.
They agree on delivering universal child care. They agree on keeping New Yorker safe. They want to take on the affordability crisis, like that's who that's, you know, who we should be. Yeah, I should have mentioned where you're even streamlining environmental review for housing. I mean, you know, all the sudden we are getting, I'm getting the thrill up my leg. All right, let's do some national politics. Texas primary last night, James Taloreco wins a little
more handling than I think people expected. And that primary over over Jasmine Crack, and I saw posts that you posted about that talking about how this is a win for top bottom politics, which is interesting time. I saw your father there and I was like, let's see if we get through this tweet without a intersection. I mean, that's just not probably, I don't know. Well, here's a good thing. I think that there are too many gays running social media accounts for
Democrats. Do you agree with that? I can't speak to the exact numbers on that. You can't speak to. I think they're just, we love the gays, but sometimes I don't know why every 675-year-old Democrat is tweeting, like, yes, Queen RuPaul means, okay, like I just, I think that we need authenticity in our communication. I do agree with that. Anyway, obviously you guys don't have, and Taloreco didn't have a gay running this, because I think that I think that they might have tried to
rebrand it a little bit. That said, talk to me about why you were drawn by the Telericio campaign.
That is message. Now, I'm just so focused on not talking about top first bottom,
not a sex that I can't, I don't even have any of the thoughts. Again, I think a lot about the big tent thing, and I think it's oftentimes used in the worst possible way. If we were like,
“a big tent politics, that's why we need to elevate Joe Manchin and why we need to elevate”
Christian Gillibrand, and I'm interested in the tent, like, I think James Harito is indicative of you know, he talks about these issues very differently, by Graham Platner, than his Armon Donner, or than the, you know, Dan Osborne or something, but he has the same hypothesis, which is the fundamental issue in our country right now, as a consolidation of power on wealth, the very top, and everyone else is being screwed. And I think if you're someone who has that fury of what's
going wrong, which resonates with everyone, everyone's feeling it, everyone's thinking it, polls say it, focus group say it, anytime you talk to any human being, they're feeling it. And if we're able to start there, anything's possible, and he's someone who, I think brought a unique lens to that, and a unique theory of it, and I think it was like a good primary in terms of indicative of this, just like, are we just going to be the like, suck Donald Trump party,
or are we going to have a fundamental theory of change and power? And thank God that side won one out. Fuck Donald Trump is appealing. What grade would you give the Jasmine Crochet campaign? I think it was the second worst campaign Democratic campaign of like the Trump era, likely for her calcunning him, sent the creepiest sex that I've ever seen, and or not even creepiest, they just were like the lamest. If it was a dick-pick, he would have won. Yeah, if you're near caught sending
sex to somebody that's not your life, like at least have some swag. And that was not top bottom bottom bottom top. So Jasmine had no message for people. She had no message for Trump voters. I think that there is a way to do a fuck Trump campaign that would probably not work that well on 28th, it would work fine in 26, which is that Trump betrayed you. Trump betrayed you. Trump sucks. Like Trump said that he was going to care about the forgotten man and working
people, but when it's always done instead, his build himself a new ballroom and give him
self-random trophies, and like decide he wants to overthrow foreign governments. Like that's
“not what you signed up for. He sucks. You should vote for me instead. We're going to, you know,”
actually care about you, right? Like that's that's a message. Like Jasmine didn't seem able to articulate that. Okay, I think even that message though still has that kind of starting analysis of like people went to Trump because they were frustrated with an economy that wasn't working for them. And instead he's doing this other shit, but it's not delivering on that. And it kind of starts from that point. It felt like the, you know, Gragic campaign, like I think it's indicative of like a certain
block of kind of liberal component of the party. There, it's all of the second half of what you said without the first. You know, it's like we hate Trump as he's doing of he's building a ballroom and he's giving himself trophies. And we hate Trump because he says dumb thing. And it's like,
no, no, we hate Trump because he, you know, like, you can't do the second part without the first
Part.
the general talk about that in a second. But is he was on the right side of what I'm going to
become looking under him? And the kind of looking under him was this, which is that people like me, not me, particularly because I was very happy to vote for Kamlo. It couldn't have been more happy to vote for Kamlo. But the voters who come from a more kind of whatever capitalist center left background, center or even center right background, they let the Kamlo and saw California liberal. And the progressive folks that come, you know, from more your ideological perspective, what did
“her and saw a centrist corporate chill, right? So I choose in this sour spot. And I think that Tele Rico”
has found the right positioning, which is that lefty people look at him and say, well, not exactly not the Bernie of my dreams, but he at least seems to get it. And centrist people
look at him and say, well, you know, he's maybe a little too left on some stuff, but like he,
you know, he at least speaks to my concerns, right? And how do you, like, being on the opposite side of me of this of navigating this paradox? Like, how do you tell you're candidates to try to navigate that? Well, I think like, and I think you're self-aware on this, obviously, like, you are the myth of the voter that people think that they're chasing and they're like four of you. You know, it's like, if we can reach that similar voter. When we've already switched,
this is nothing I keep telling Democrats about when they call me, I've thought you're, I'm like, sorry, my people, there is a trait I get happy and already. Like, the version of me that is an actual voter lives in the Atlanta suburbs. They voted for Evan McMullen in 2016. Then they voted
for Lucy McRath, then Osloff and Warnock and Biden and Commodore Democrats already. You don't need to
talk to them anymore. They've traded. Yes. My people are already, have already switched over. There were more than four of us, but like, it's already happened. So now you've got to find a new time.
“No, I think like, that's like the like, Mundani Platner tell me, go coalition for lack of a”
different way of putting it. I think is you get like the populism that speaks to the left. And also speaks to kind of harder to ideologically to find, you know, not super politically engaged, but like working class voters who are just like, yeah, I'm mad that costs are going up. I'm mad that politicians don't seem to give a shit. You don't seem like a politician. You seem like you understand that I'm angry. And you kind of get that larger appeal. And then also you get
like, even the more kind of, you know, moderate, conservative, where there's a real kind of change element to it. You're not a part of this establishment that's frustrating. You know, like the kind of moderate or independent thing. I think it's like, that's not coming from a place of, I just want someone right down the middle. I just want someone who's like, really cozy, you know, Wall Street, it's coming from a place of like, I fucking hate both parties. And the more
you can feel like someone who's not a part of both parties, you open that lane or you're not
“being born out of that party establishment. I think Tariqa does that, I think grand does that,”
I think so on does that. That's the kind of way to hold that longer coalition together. Instead of like making sure we're fully lock and down, the Tim Miller bitter. Thank you. I appreciate the compliment about myself awareness. I am self-aware of the Democrats shouldn't try to appeal to me. I worry about your people's self-awareness a little bit on one element, which is how well left populism works in red states when also paired with lefty social values across the board.
And the Tallerika thing, for example, on optimistic, can Pakistan wins. It's possible you can win in Texas. People making jokes about the goddess non-binary thing. I think that's kind of silly. I don't let anybody be really cares. I'm much about, you know, I think the people who are very committed to God having a penis were not really getable voters for Democrats. I don't think anyway. But I also saw a clip of him doing a sermon recently where he's talking about the importance of
making sure we have abortion protections for trans people. I'm just like, I don't want to ban anybody. I'm not for the Texas abortion bounty law or any of the stuff. But like, I don't know that it's actually true. And that there's any evidence that like just being a leftling populism works in red America. If you also are down the line, part of the cultural left elite. And I wonder what you think about that. Yeah, I mean, I agree with you. And I think like I get like
straw man in this sometimes by the like, ecclesiasis of the world. And I think to me it's the leftling populism in the way we're talking about the economic stuff is not the end-all bill. It's just a starting place for viability. And everything else should be flexible off of the specific place you're running and off of the electorate you have in the communities you're in. And you know, if you're starting from place of billionaires or bad, billionaires are talking over a political system,
big farmers, drowning up the cause of healthcare, big ag is talking us on our grocery costs. We need to take on corporations, we need to tax the rich, what I like.
Then I think, you know, that's kind of the starter kit that you should be abl...
out of. Yeah. That should be the kind of unifying tent of the party. And then everything else is
“localized and you should meet voters where they are and not talk about things that are losing”
issues and, you know, treat it with grace and not sound like a coastal elite. You should sound like over the fuck you're running from. Why don't any of those people exist though? I guess it's like my asian. It's hard for me to think of an example. Like to me, it's like every pot was candid in the fight. Your group of Avengers there with Osborne and Platner and Zauron and Zauron's are going to New York, but you get on the list. And like they're all just like down the line,
their positions on cultural issues are indistinguishable from the positions on cultural issues of any 55 year old MSNBC watching, I really crash you with boomer. Like, I think there isn't a really
good example of like lefty populists who also like, man, I'm really, you know, I also really support
cops. I really, I can't a lot about the border. And you ran the ads with Osborne about the border, but when I interviewed him, he's done, he's done seeing that passionate about it. Well, it's like I mean, grand planers are going on there. Like, work, he's a gun owner. This is you, does he have
“any different policy views on guns though than Hillary? I think so. I don't think so. I have to”
do a details on that 2016 out with her platform. But I think like, you know, there are a lot of examples that we'll see over the course of, you know, we're still early in the cycle. Okay. But I think there's also, in addition to trying to get right with the girls have to be some positive sanctions in some places, I also think there's an element of like how much are you talking about what? And I see like, you know, I think like, even with the mayor, I think people took the wrong
lesson in some ways or now people are like, I'm adding on affordability as the sit after the fourth comma in my catchphrase and it's like, no, the whole thing is that he was saying this is my thing. And then that creates a permission structure to be like, okay, I don't agree with him on this, but he's saying he's solely focused on this. And I think like, when you're going around campaigning nonstop and all these different things, if you have a clear rationale for running like the reason
comments me was so vulnerable to the, you know, Trump's for you. She's for a day then attack. It's because no one knew who the fuck she was for. And if she actually had a credible thing that she was for,
“I think it bounces off of you differently than, yeah, sure, that's the best articulation I've”
heard of who she's for. I couldn't do one with you. I'm like a lot of the established Democrats now like just use the word affordability as an ambulance. And like sometimes they even like read the show notes. They're just like, you know, we're talking about affordability a lot. Yes. I mean, I'm here to talk about affordability. And like the thing that's over I did this so good was like, I key talked about it, like a real human term. Like, you know, there's the cab driver I was talking to. I thought, you know,
I mean, he was good at humanizing that. Sometimes though he would, he would talk about, you know, the beauty of collective this. Was that you? Did you do that one? It was a team effort on the speech that was I don't think that was, I mean, I feel that has been misinterpreted from what it was intended to mean. Hmm. The beauty of collectivism. Well, I said that was an executive one. The warmth of collective. You added the one. It's you. It's our version of stop bottom fathers. Yeah, the warmth of
collectivism. I guess it was a little bit better than Ron needs you didn't build that. I don't know. Yeah, it's not that great for me. Yeah, I guess I hear you, man. Like, focusing on affordability and making it central is true. I guess my point is like the easy thing to do is demonstrate that you're separate from the corporate democratic establishment that wants to do, you know, capital gains tax cuts. Nobody's for that. Like the only people that are that are making that case are like DC lobbyists
and, like, so it's simple to say, okay, I'm against the democratic establishment that, you know, cares too much about corporate interests. It's harder to be like, I'm against the democratic establishment that, you know, cared, you know, that has what I, you just named the issue, you know, on any of these hot button issues that people in Red America are not happy about whether it whether it's cops or immigration or LGBT or whatever. You know, that's harder because you get
shit when you separate from the democratic establishment on that. I feel like there's a middle ground here for some races where it's not saying like, you know, where the, you know, example of just being like, yeah, I think fucking a year old should be able to play in whatever league they want. I trust communities to make their own decisions about that. I also think you know, it's fucking pathetic that we have a lot of politicians, a Washington DC who's been more on both sides that I
always spend more time talking about this issue and they do talking about how to bring down the
cost of groceries. Look, that to me is a good, easy middle ground. Maybe that'll work. Maybe that'll work. Sure. But does that work if you're sitting down for two? I this was like, I think the lot, part of these people, like, come, let's go on on Rogan and also come look at the gone on Rogan
Because Rogan would have spent 40 minutes with her on trans.
that's fair. But like, I think what you just laid out is definitely workable in a D plus 8 house race
this year, our plus 8 house race this year, right? Because like Trump is unpopular, the economy sucks and Democrats are able to get away with with with running campaigns that are just focused on affordability and Trump's sucking in a lot of places because people are mad. So great. But like
“longer term, how do Democrats win in Iowa and Ohio and Montana again? I think you have to be”
able to have answers for some of these cultural questions that aren't just, I don't want to talk about that. I'd rather talk about grocery bills. I think I don't disagree with that with those places long term. Again, I think the way we've talked about a big tent party and there has been room for some of that, you know, maybe not as much grace online, but there's been room for some of that, but it's like, we have a big tent party united by, you can say whatever the fuck you want on any
issue, as long as a pack likes you and as long as like the handful of the biggest donors,
so the most powerful I use like you. And I was like, I think we just flip that and so it's as long
as you fucking are willing to take on the billionaire class and corporations, you should find the message that you know your community, you should find the message that works for your community. We're already good long and I have some really fun rapid fire questions, so we just go to Graham really quick. Are you nervous that it's risky? Here's my issue with Graham, right? It's like 79 year old ladies risky too, you know, and like if Graham was running in in that Iowa Senate race
or Kansas, a key would be the darling of this podcast because I'd be like finally the Democrats are trying something different in one of these red states. But it's a very important race and, you know, it didn't seem like you guys really knew all of the baggage that he had on various things. I'm just wondering whether you're worried that that your model candidate here for a populist laugh tonight's really harmless if Susan Collins is able to take advantage of that in the fall. To me, there's
not a bigger risk than Janet Mills, where it is just like we're talking about someone who'd be the oldest freshman senator in the history of the United States Senate. We're talking to someone who has the worst components of Sarah Gideon and Joe Biden combined. I don't know what kind of campaign would you want to run against Susan Collins? You want to run a campaign that she's fucking been there forever. She's a political creature. Life has gone worse. Well, she's been in power. It's time
for, you know, new leadership. It's time for someone's gonna take on the entrenched political powers that be. And in Janet Mills, you have someone who inherently cannot make any of those arguments.
“And to me, like Graham, you know, I think it's a little like don't take my word for it.”
Look at what's happening in Maine. And I think like he's up 30 plus points on the incumbent governor. Like that's the voters are telling us who they like. If Janet Mills is so electrical, but what is no one fucking want to vote for her? So like that's still like a ridiculous component. That sounds like well, Janet Mills is the safe that's like no one's voting for Janet Mills. People who are should be for base of supporters are uninterested. And meanwhile,
Graham's in like towns that trump with a thousand people that trump on by 80 points having hundreds of people come out. And I think there's, you know, voters are resonating with him in a way that is, I think, incredibly incredibly rare and unique. And then he has the ability because there's his politics and because it's his life story, to just go directly at Susan Collins in a way that's kind of the ideal matchup. I made pretty much that same pitch yesterday besides ideal matchups.
So I agree with you, but just in the spirit of let's explore this together. I want to offer a tweet that I saw about Graham just to hear what you guys would say about that. There are test Graham accidentally got a Nazi tattoo. Accidentally took friendly photos
without a guy in a Nazi shirt. Accidentally reposted stupiders. There's a right wing white nationalist basically.
And Accidentally sat for an interview with a guy who's spreaded anti-smetic conspiracy theories
“these a long time fan of. That's a little concerning. What was your reaction about being?”
I think like Gavin Newsson did interviews with Steve Bannon and Charlie Kirk. I don't think for whatever my criticisms are of Gavin Newsson. I don't think Gavin Newsson's like a secret far-right operative. Yeah, I think there's on the kind of interview outreach component. I think we're talking about a combination of people who does dozens of interviews a week. The goal is to reach every single person as much as possible. And that's not to say that maybe there should be more selective
processes of who interviews what. But I think it's also like a lot of the same people who are like Kamala should have gone on road again. Also, can't believe Graham Platten or sat down. It's like pick a land. I'm fine with whatever your fucking land is, but have some consistency. And do we have an obligation to go everywhere and talk to everyone and reach people who are leaving the party and masks? Or do we not? And then I think on the tattoo, you know, Graham's talked
about it, Nazium. And it's like, I think to me, the most kind of the two most compelling things that I think I can share in this that are not have not been, you know, talked about, you know,
At Nazium on social media are one shooting the launch video.
a tattoo right here. Like, I saw Graham Plattener change shirts eight times during the launch video,
“like, feet away from him. Go. Good looking guy. And also, I don't think he'd be, I think so. I also don't”
think he'd be doing that if too strong. Yeah. I don't think he would have been doing that in front of his Jewish theater advisor if he was aware of his Nazi tattoo. He also talked to anyone in the military and they're like, everyone's got different skull and crossbones tattoos. It's like all the signs of military stuff. And I've had that conversation with dozens and dozens of vets at this point. And I think, you know, so it's like, he's running a campaign that's not a DSCC campaign where he's not
like locked in a windowless basement during all the time. He's doing gazillion interviews. He's meeting voters every single day. And so when he's doing 10,000 things a day, cherry picking a few
swept things through a specific lens is like, you know, you can do that with any campaign at any time.
I agree with that. Here's, so that was representing other people's concerns about Graham. I'm 100% mine now. You know, I'm actually, so this is, it comes from a genuine place. I'm just a little concern that he's, that it's fake. You know, he's not actually, really, like a working class guy. I mean, kind of, but like he's downward. I forget to call them downworldly mobile old money, which I thought was kind of funny. But he comes from money, like really
the volunteer to go to war. He wasn't like, sometimes he talks about like his drafted, like he chose to. He's talked about, like, he kind of talks about both ways. He's like, oyster farm is, isn't that his mom's restaurant? He went to GW. I went to GW, you know, not the bit, not a bastion of working class folks. And he did it on the GI bill. It's like, he came out of nowhere.
“I think for people that I just don't know him. And like you see some of this stuff, you wonder,”
like, is this a pose, right? Like, is this not authentic? What would you say to that? Like, I've spent a lot of time at Graham's house. I spent a lot of time with Graham's family. I think he's incredibly, and like unwaveringly authentic. Some of those things trees, also someone who like has like really struggled financially at times in his life. He's someone who did spend, you know, a decade overseas. He's someone who, you know, before he decided to run
for a second, it was like trying to figure out how to start a family and live life in the community. He loved making $60,000 a year running in oyster farm. Like, I think it's, you know, like fully honest in what you said. I mean, it's, you know, we're not like telling a glass castle story here or something. But in the story of like growing up in a rural community, having nights where you're anxious about financial realities, and having spent a lot of time
in incredibly tough positions in service to country, or all like incredibly real and authentic. And I think, you know, he lives four houses down from, or he grew up in Sullivan main. Like, there's just a deep, deep, kind of authentic, mainness to him. We've spent a lot of time together,
and he's always the exact same Graham planner. Like, the Graham and a video answering
question at a town hall to a public and it's the same Graham you're getting. Like, you know, midnight over a beer shoot and a shit. Okay. I don't, I didn't really like his China answer. I want to podcast. We'll talk about that in another day. We can work through that. We can grab to the rapid fire questions. I'm speaking of podcast people are not supposed to do. The rumor on the street was that you told the staff that Zoran should not do my podcast because I was too risky
and that they didn't listen to you. Is that accurate? Is that accurate? I thought it was bad timing for doing your podcast. As a big team, you know, week one, you were getting buried in all of the other stuff. I wanted like, similar to be the kind of central piece of a component of kind of turned out. Like, not a little bit. I should, I feel bad. I kind of feel like I made Zoran cry, not on the podcast, but the fallout from the globalized antifodic lesson led to a press conference where you got
“where you kind of cried. And so I would say, kind of feel like you should still cry. No guilt,”
and it should be a hundred percent on the Islamophobic of Andrew Cuomo and his. I can't pass. Okay. So we don't, we don't need to hug it out. No, I mean, you're welcome to hug it out, but I like to hug. We mentioned better been earlier. I wasn't going to give you too much a problem for this, but you did work for John Fetterman 22 as, you know, here at the bull work, the base of the Connor Lamb campaign, we were pretty devastated that he lost that primary.
And given what's happened. It was close. It was good. It was so close. We were given, given what has happened since then. It was a little closer than the North Carolina house primary. You're talking about earlier, but given what's happened since, I was wondering if you just want to take this opportunity to speak to the bull or the audience and to Connor himself, because he's probably a listener and just offer your, your apology. Do you want to sign the Connor Lamb apology form?
Not signing, not signing. I think no. I think for whatever the judge and say be about Fetterman,
About Connor Lamb.
quote-feeting AOC shit. I'm not buying it. I am not buying it. I think there are a lot of
“incredible politicians across Pennsylvania and Connor Lamb's not going to go. Come on, I think you're”
being stubborn. Don't be a stubborn deal, Morris. Don't be a stubborn deal. We would be a better shape right now. If Connor Lamb was in the Senate, would we not? Would we not? I love everyone's like, oh, Connor, you guys sold this tale of Connor Lamb's generational talent. Meanwhile, Crystal Luzio, it's not even a swing scene anymore. It's like off the map. Crystal Luzio is great. I can compliment Crystal Luzio. Okay. Why can't you just say it's true of Connor Lamb would be
a good senator. John Fetterman is a good loser. We both love Kathy Hockel. Wow. Okay. Boy, I was going to
ask you some questions, but now I have to. Famously, your grandfather said you slept with 4,000 women.
Now that you're a minor celebrity, are you going to try to pass him? Just to my grandfather slept with 4,000. You're going to try to compete with 4,000? No, but now you're trying to do that as an aspirational thing at all. Between all the podcasts interviews, there hasn't been time. Let's see how the Senate map goes. Not a hard no. Not a hard no. I'm a settled down man. You're a settled down man. That's cute. All right. We can find somebody for you on this podcast. You know, a nice girl's 25 and a half,
20, 26 and 3/4 of them. How can we be such buddies here? I guess you don't think the Connor Lamb for whatever reason transformation is authentic. In an effort to show you why mine is, I wanted to close with the story that made me the most Morris build of any story I've read. So I just see this. The richest Americans saw their net worths or 120% from 2017 to 2025. And the top 1% of the country now control 55 trillion in assets, more than US and China combined.
I feel like we can just all hold hands and just say, let's take more money. Like painful
“taxation for the top 0.1% of the country. And we can all unite at that together, right?”
For everybody from Zoran to, I don't know, John Bell Edwards. The broadest possible. I love John Bell Edwards. It's hard to talk about without immediately sounding like Bernie, but he's right about it. It's like, this isn't radical. Like the idea that with the wealth that we're seeing consolidated at such a rapid pace, maybe we should just like take a little bit of that to help everyone else. She was like the most sane reasonable. We should all agree on this thing.
And even like so many of the kind of democratic contenders for 2020. There's stuff you hear them
talk about taxation of the wealthy now. And it's like always a little bit of their crazy around it.
Run the tape on like Obama 2012, you know, it's like Obama's campaigning off of the wealthiest paying a little bit more. And even talking about the wealthiest in a far broader way than Bernie or the mayor, whoever are talking about it now. And I don't, I do know why. But it's deeply, deeply concerning that while that's happening, you're also, both parties kind of back away from taxing the rich in certain ways. But that's the, the Tim Miller mosque tax coalition is going to be in fact.
Here's our cumboia moment. We are going to cut environmental red tape to build more houses. And we're going to tax the fuck out of the rich. And all the rest will deal with later. Is that Sangha? Hell yeah. David, that's more of the cats. I appreciate you coming on the show. I'm a little
“about hurts, honestly, that you snobbed me for Trump, but we're going to get over it. Do you have”
anybody's fellow number? Do you care a line like texting buddies? Not you've been there twice, sir. No, we, we have not, uh, we've knocked on it. Maybe DM's, DM's. I appreciate you. We'll do it again in a couple months. Maybe after after the main primary. We'll see you all go to celebrate the grand plan, everyone. Yeah, we'll do it. Before we, what's your main senate primary prediction? Down to the number. Down to the margin. In the primary? Yeah. I think that he's going to be
there like 70, 30. I think he's going to crush love it. Love it. Love it. That said, three more months. So hopefully nothing. We'll see what we'll see. Big caveat, assuming current information on ground. So we'll see. Anyway, that's more of Scott's buddy. We'll see all in everybody else. We back tomorrow. Well, somebody's a little bit more of a capitalist probably. We'll see you all then. Peace. Thanks, Tim.
The board podcast is produced by Katie Cooper with Audio Engineering and Editing by Jason Brown.
