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“flourish. More information is available at Hewlett.org.”
This is America in pursuit, a limited run series from throughline and NPR. I'm Ron Dambit Fattah. Each week we bring new stories about life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness in the U.S. that began 250 years ago. And of course, at the heart of these stories are the people that made history happen. People who had a bold vision for the America they wanted to see despite the obstacles. The whole history of the progress of human liberty shows that all
concessions yet made to her claims have been born of earnest struggle. If there is no struggle, there is no progress. Frederick Douglass is one of the greatest minds in American history born into slavery in the early 1800s. Douglass lived through the civil war in anticipation, black men getting the right to vote, in the beginning of the terrors and humiliations of Jim Crow. And through all of that, he kept coming back to one thing. A sacred right he believed was at the
heart of American democracy, voting. This struggle may be a moral one, or it may be a physical one, and it may be both moral and physical, but it must be a struggle. Power
concedes nothing without a demand. It never did, and it never will.
Today on the show, Romti and I bring you the story of one man's dedication to changing how American democracy worked for everyone, by fighting for the right for all people to have a say. That story right after a quick break. Support for NPR and the following message, come from the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, investing in creative thinkers and problem solvers who help people, communities, and the planet
flourish. More information is available at Hewlett.org. Will you repeat the mistakes of your fathers who send ignorantly? Will the country be peaceful,
“united and happy, or troubled, divided, and miserable?”
Frederick Douglass dreamed of a country that lived up to the ideals of its founding fathers, where all people could vote, universal suffrage, and he did everything in his power to make that dream a reality. In the face of suffering, he hoped. In the face of setbacks, he hoped. In the face of violence, he hoped. And in the face of suppression, Frederick Douglass hoped. From the very moment he gets on a platform as a speaker,
as early as 841, and then endlessly across the north as they are a tenorid abolitionist horror. In the 1840s, into the 1850s, Douglass was a firm fierce believer in what the 19th century loved to call the natural rights tradition. And what we generally mean by that is that tradition of inalienable rights, rights that are either from God or from nature. This is David Blight. He's a history professor at Yale University, an author of the biography,
Frederick Douglass, prophet of freedom. Douglass wants to refer to the first principles of Jefferson's declaration of independence, you know, the four first principles, liberty, equality, popular sovereignty, meaning the governments exist by the consent of the government. And the last was the right of revolution. Exactly what even by a quality, you know,
has always been open to debate. But Douglass loved those principles, loved those creeds. He loved
the declaration of independence in that sense. He didn't like the way it was practiced. But he loved
“the creeds. What have I or those I represent to do with your national independence?”
Are the great principles of political freedom and natural justice embodied in that declaration of independence extended to us? I say it with a sad sense of the disparity between us.
He said natural rights are like the area you breathe.
person, no one country, they belong to everybody. And the right to vote to Douglass in something
“called a republic, if it could ever live up to those creeds, was the most sacred right of all.”
He saw it not just as a kind of human right to participate in one's political system. But he saw it as a power by which people could protect themselves. Douglass really believed that and he said it a thousand times over that the right to vote for African Americans in particular, especially once they were liberated by the Civil War, was their greatest self-protection.
After the Civil War was over, nearly 4 million formerly enslaved black Americans were free.
Right away, the radical republicans, the leadership anyway. That's remember it was the original republicans. The republicans of Abraham Lincoln came out for black suffrage. The radical republicans, if you've been listening to this whole series, we've brought up the radical republicans a number of times. They were resolute abolitionists leading up to and during the Civil War, and now they're pushing for the black vote. Now, that had multiple motives. One of the motives and it should not be
“diminished is that they believed this was a right. The second motive was if you want to spread the”
republican party into the south, you have a whole new constituency to do it with here with black voters. So the right to vote becomes the heartbeat of radical republican reconstruction plans as soon as the war is over. Douglas is himself a radical republicans, but he's not an elected
official. He is nothing to do with designing these plans. He is as always the spokesman. He is the order.
He is the writer. He's the outsider. Trying to beat his way inside, you know, to that republican party. But Douglas starts preaching for the right to vote immediately. That he's doing it during the war. We may be asked, why we want it? I will tell you why we want it. We want it because it is our right
“first of all. This speech called what the black man wants is a speech he took on the road and”
it's a fascinating operation because it is mostly about the right to vote. It's also about wanting and demanding dignity, wanting and demanding safety, etc. I hold that women as well as men have the right to vote in my heart and voice go with that movement to extend suffrage to women. But that question rests upon another basis than which our right rests. He especially used the idea of the service and sacrifice of black soldiers. If we are, you know, human enough to
serve in uniform. If we are human enough to go die in war for the country, then we are human enough to have the right to vote. You know, if we are capable of this then we are capable of that. By depriving us of suffrage, you affirm our incapacity to form an intelligent judgment, respecting public men and public measures. You declare before the world that we are unfit to exercise the elective franchise and by this means, lead us to undervalue ourselves.
There is no argument. He says against this right to vote. You can say that black people who were enslaved are not as well educated, but they know how to tell a few. They know how power gets used because it has been used on them for generations. They know how political will is based on how you can bend it out in society. They know something about economic power because they were slaves living under this system. So he says over and over and over don't tell us we're not educated
as a means of not letting us vote. Help us get educated and we'll show you how to vote. He's so often used this argument that the right to vote was the ultimate sacred form of protection in a republic. If I were in a monarchical government or an autocratic or aristocratic
Government where the few bore rule and the many were subject, there would be ...
resting upon me because I did not exercise the elective franchise. But here we're universal
“suffrage is the rule where that is the fundamental idea of the government. To rule us out is to make”
us an exception to brand us with the stigma of inferiority and to invite to our heads the missiles of those about us. Therefore I want the franchise for the black man. In the aftermath of the Civil War a time that would come to be known as the Reconstruction era. The country was reinventing itself. It was a moment of great hope and promise for black Americans in particular. The country was embracing progressive reforms. Black politicians were being elected
to southern state governments and even to Congress for the first time. Laws against racial
“discrimination were being implemented. The future looked bright. Probably the most openly hopeful”
brief period of Douglas' life was from about 1867 to 1870 or so. During that brief moment that window he writes a speech that he took on the road for what called the composite nation. We stand between the popular shores of two great oceans. Our land is capable of supporting one fifth of all the globe. All moral, social and geographical causes conspire to bring to us the peoples of all other overpopulated countries. Europe and Africa are already here and the Indian
was here before either. This is an amazing speech or Douglas says the United States now has a chance
to do what no other people have ever done to create a republic with people from all corners of the world of all colors, all religions and ethnicities can come together and all live under the same constitution. Now a new constitution and the rule of law says no one's ever done this. No one's ever accomplished this in a republic. We have that chance. We have a chance to create. He says the composite nation. And here I hold that a liberal and brotherly welcome to all who are likely
to come to the United States is the only wise policy which this nation can adopt. It is so hopeful.
“It sounds like a multiculturalism manifesto but it's rooted in this is so important to understand”
about him and other abolitionists. It's rooted in the belief now that not only had they won the war but they had recreated a different America. They had reinvented the republic.
It is the second republic now. However, like all revolutions this one will have a counter revolution.
In the 868 presidential the general election the first time black men voted in large numbers. At the time some black men were voting but not consistently and it definitely wasn't a guaranteed or protected right. Black men in the south former slaves the freedmen themselves lined up in droves at voting polls to vote. They voted for the conqueror of the confederacy of Lissie's grain and he became president now. The Democrats at that time ran a viciously I mean very openly
racist white supremacist campaign against grain. That campaign it must be said was probably the single most racist and white supremacist campaign ever conducted in American history. They just appealed to white men's society, white men's government and protecting the country from the unward vote. And in the wake of the 68 election even during that election this counter revolution by the
white south was wrecked upon black America. They were wrecked upon the freed people. The emergence of the Ku Klux Klan and many other imitators many other kinds of terrorist groups
Vigilante groups across the south who will wage a informal largely vigilante ...
Republican politics, black politics and the black right to vote. Using terror, using violence,
“using intimidation and using virulent white supremacy. All the good scholarship about the”
Klan and all of its imitators shows that the principal aim of Klan violence and others was to stop black politics to wipe out black suffrage. In the midst of all this violence to suppress the black vote the federal government makes a move to step in the 15th amendment which grants
black men the right to vote was ratified in 1870. The revolution wrought in our condition by the 15th
amendment of the Constitution of the United States is almost startling even to me. I view it with something like amazement. It is truly vast and wonderful and when we think through
“what labor's tears and precious blood it has come we may well contemplate it with a solemn joy.”
Henceforth we live in a new world breathe a new atmosphere have a new earth beneath and a new sky above. But despite the 15th and the work done to bring equality to the polls the push to suppress the black vote with violence and intimidation became even stronger during the Jim Crow era that started in the late 1870s. The Jim Crow era would last almost 100 years and would be defined by the violent systematic oppression of black Americans across the south.
This was Frederick Douglass's worst nightmare the country was reverting back to its old ways
“and that essential right the right to vote was under attack.”
Though we have had war reconstruction and abolition as a nation we still linger in the shadow and blight of an extinct institution. Though the colored man is no longer subject to be bought and sold he is still surrounded by an adverse sentiment which fetters all his movements. In his downward course he meets with no resistance but his course upward is resented and resisted at every step of his progress. At times it causes a real despair for and for others in the
former abolitionist movement. Do you ask me how after all that has been done this state of things has been made possible? I will tell you. Our reconstruction measures were radically defective. So yeah as he grows older this this defeat of reconstruction becomes in some ways the most difficult thing in his life to assess, to incorporate into his vision of America. But the thing that sustained him right around, naive or not, was this faith in natural
rights. By law by the Constitution of the United States slavery has no existence in our country. The legal form has been abolished. By the law in the Constitution the Negro is a man and a citizen and has all the rights and liberties guaranteed to any other variety of the human family residing in the United States. Frederick Douglass quantum to the vote as the ultimate symbol of freedom and equal rights in American democracy. He traveled around the country speaking to this belief
and asserting that it is the right to vote and the power behind it that has made Black Americans
targets a violence. Basically he is saying, if we didn't have this right to vote it probably wouldn't
be killing us. It's our politics and our quest for power both economic and political that they really
Want to kill.
And continue to fight for universal suffrage until the very end of his life.
“And that's it for this week's episode of America in pursuit. If you want to hear more on Frederick Douglass,”
check out the full length through line episode, the most sacred right. And be sure to join us next
week to hear a rarely-known story about the American Confederates who made the decision to leave
“the country rather than rejoin the union. His slavery in Brazil was really stable and at that point”
to the Brazilian Empire was supporting Europeans and white Americans to come to Brazil.
While Frederick Douglass and the radical Republicans didn't think the changes after the civil
“war went far enough, others felt that the U.S. was no longer at their home. So they sought to make”
a new one in Brazil. The story of the Confederates. That's next week. Don't miss it. This episode was produced by Kiana Molodam and edited by Christina Kim with help from the through line production team. Music by Ramstein and his band drop electric. Special thanks to Julie Kane, Irene Neguchi, Beth Donovan, Casey Miner and Lindsay McKenna. Wear your host, run Dabdel Vattah. And Ramstein Adabli. Thank you for listening.
. Support for NPR and the following message come from the William and Florida Hewlett Foundation, investing in creative thinkers and problem solvers who help people, communities and the planet flourish. More information is available at Hewlett.org.
