October 7th Foresight, Netanyahu’s Funding of Hamas, and the Settlers Murdering Palestinians

How long have you lived in Israel?

And they're for about 10 years, 10 years. Um, so we're just talking off camera and I'm a personal thank you for doing this. >> Thank you for having me. >> Uh, it's impossible to really understand anything

from the United States because the filters that propaganda are just so restrictive. But it seems obvious that October 7th, is the beginning of a global reshuffling certainly of the Middle East. We haven't spent enough time thinking through what that was.

What was that? >> I think to proper the understanding of October 7th,

“you have to put together kind of a timeline.”

I think what's been lacking here, you know, I talked to a lot of Palestinians and they tell me a lot about how. They portray the war as something that sort of began after October 7th, which is another problem we can get to a some point. These rallies chalk it up to, you know,

the active Arab at Ant, I said my I've no doubt that he was. He was quite possibly an Ant, I said my. >> You're speaking of the Ayes and Water. >> Yeah, the leader of Ant is now dead. >> Yeah, but it doesn't mean that there was an logic.

It doesn't mean that this happened when it happened and how it happened for us. >> So just to be quite about what you're saying. So from the Palestinian perspective, everything we're seeing now is a result of the events after October 7th, and for me it's really perspective October 7th happened just because

they're hated unreestimately. >> Like it's what I often find is when I speak to Palestinians, and they're not wrong to say that the backdrop of all this is that there has been an occupation for a very long time. We've been occupied since 48, which I understand.

But it still doesn't explain the specifics of October 7th, right? It explains why at some point something like that could or quite possibly should have happened, right? And so that's been something I focused on a lot.

“And I think if you want to put together a proper answer,”

you have to put together a time on, you have to go back.

You have to trace basically the existence of the trajectory of Hamas,

from the rise to power. But the real breaking point, I'll say, is 2021. What happened in 2021? Three things happened in 2021. Twenty-twenty-one, you have tensions that are Lakshamask.

You have famous the other tensions that went on in Shikdharara, where they're settlers taking Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem. That caused a lot of tension. What happened at the Auxa Complex? There are all kinds of clashes between Israeli border police and Muslim warshipers.

And this went on for some time. It was also, it was May, it was May. And what happened was that, three things happened. Hamas, I had rockets in T-Israel, killing about 14 Israelis. Riots broke out in the middle of Israel, across the country actually internal riots

between Arab Israelis and Israeli Jews. And suddenly the West Bank woke up from a very long slumber. Suddenly you had for the first time in a very long time militants who were firing at idea troops.

“I remember seeing videos of, I think it must have been hundreds of Palestinian men marching towards the border.”

Did I think they were going to enter? No. But I remember calling my father. I remember calling him and saying, "This video I'm seeing, this doesn't look good." This is an indication of something.

And in the Israeli media, if you look back at the reports, these Israelis perceive this to be an indication that we have a big threat from within. This country be also to the rise of the right and the years that followed. So the first order of business was we have Arab Israelis and their problem.

We have 2 million Palestinians within our borders.

And the next thing that happened, and you saw the borders of Israel, yeah, within the border. Yeah, yeah, yeah. Between the scene of Green Line. Yep.

And then you had over the next year to, you might remember increased operations by the IDF. Suddenly in Nablus, which is, I used to be called the Terracapital Palestine. Suddenly there was a new militia that formed called Lionsden. Suddenly in Janine, the refugee camps in the north of the West Bank. There are arm's men doing military marches with M-16s and masks on.

And that was the second order of business. And the last thing that the Israelis believed was that Hamas firing, some sort of like a water pipe rocket into Israel, was an indication of something, to come something much bigger, to come. So what was this, I mean, as you said, you could trace us all the way back to the British

Mandator, or whatever you could trace us far back as you wanted. But you think this really began with clashes between, is both Israeli citizens, Arabs and Jews within Israel, and in 2021. So how did that lead to? Not exactly.

What I think is that, and this is why you have to go a little further back.

Yep.

This is a bit of a, I think that the internal rights were absolutely meaningless.

I think what happened in the West Bank was somewhat meaningful, and I can explain later why I don't think it had any end to it, why I wasn't going to come to any significant end. But what happened in 2021, why Hamas fired rockets, known by the task, why are they suddenly firing rockets?

Hamas came to power in 2007, I think it was in 2007. They come to power, and this is a group that overthrew the PA, right? They tossed in. Palsian authority. They tossed them off of rooftops to control of Gaza.

And they came, why would people, why would people have wanted them?

Or why do they think that the Palestinians deserve them rather than the PA? They were saying were resistance groups, were Palestinians, were exiled in 48, and the whole purpose of our existence in one way or another is to get back. And so unlike the PA, we're not going to sit and make peace with the Jews. We're not going to sort of coordinate with them, we're not going to arrest people at their

behest. We're going to fight.

“And that's what they did from 2007 to 2014.”

I think he had three to four ground invasions, if I'm not mistaken. And so they were fulfilling their promise, they didn't win, they didn't liberate Palestine.

But what did happen is that Hamas didn't have a lot of political attention because they

were either fighting, being bombed, or people were cleaning up the rebel. But in 2014, just bear with me a moment, in 2014, suddenly silence falls upon Gaza. I think this was a silence that I don't know of Hamas, he would predict it as just silence whatever. Come upon Gaza.

These rarely certainly wanted it. It's the last word, Klutsuketan, in Hebrew, it was the last word. These rarely, you know, bombed a bunch of tunnels, there were some ground operations, lots of strikes, and it was kind of this thing where they came and said, look, we sent them back. I think the quote from the general the time was, we sent them back 50 years or 100 years

to the Stone Age, whatever it was. But that's a bit of a problem for Hamas. Your group of gritty sort of nitty gritty resistance fighters, you came to power, you fought some wars, didn't win, beating get totally beat.

“And now you're just bureaucrats, now you have to go from grit to governance.”

And that's fine, maybe, for a year, maybe for two, because the next big battles coming. What happens three, four or five years later? At some point, people are sitting there, they have a much lower quality of life than people in the West Bank, Palestinians in the West Bank and the very least can come into Israel. Here's in years and years, half of them illegally in work, making Israeli salary go back home.

In Gaza, you know, they didn't have a whole lot going for them and I think at some point in time, maybe around 2018, it became clear that, I think people were kind of starting to ask the questions, like, what, okay, if we pick to you and you're supposed to fight and now we're just eating shit here, we might as well get the PA back. And you say that you don't sit down with the Jews and you don't recognize the Jews and

you're not going to make peace with them, but like, you talked to them on a weekly basis. You just have some Egyptian guy in the middle playing telephone tag. And I think that the leader of Hamas, I think he had a sin water. I think he understood that, I think around 2018, he began to understand that, like, this is not a sustainable, this is not something sustainable, can't keep going like this.

Wendy, you think the planning for October 7th began and what was the thinking? Okay, in terms of the planning, if you're talking about the concrete steps, look on non-intelligence analyst, from what we know, I think from what was released, we understand that some time in October 2022 it might have, the real planning could have been underway. The conceptual planning for something of this sort, I think, had been working within

a sin water since he was probably a teenager. I mean, there's a famous quote, I think it did the interview in Hebrew, which is like all the more, it's crazy interview, he's sitting on a plastic chair outside and they asked him something about, you know, do you want to kill us, do you want war with us and he goes listen?

Right now, you're strong, you've got nuclear bombs, I can't, I can't, I can't not you.

“But in 20, maybe 15 years, you're going to be weak inside, and that's what I'm going”

to strike you. And in 2018, the Ayeson Water gave an interview, it's crazy, because you know, I think we were just talking about this before we started, Jeffrey Goldberg of the Atlantic, he put at a piece called the Sinwara's March of Folly, I think it came out in the summer, August

so stupid.

“And I'm bracketing morals here, I'm not talking about whether he was, you know, good”

or bad, I'm just talking about, you know, conceptually, like the pure analysis of it, yeah, exactly. And he had this line, I read this, I must have read this piece four to five times at under this day, I can understand what he meant. He said something to the effect of the Ayeson Water fell prey to Muslim brotherhood supremacy,

conspiracyism, and he lacked reasoning capabilities, something out of like a first year

philosophy paper. You wrote a couple books in prison, didn't he? In the decades he spent in prison. You wrote one book, one book, a novel? Yeah, you're something of the road, I forget the name.

The carnation and the eagle or something. Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah. And he was reading quite a bit, he'd had people, he'd read a lot sort of like, well, right. So he's not in a literate savage, whatever you think I'm not endorsing.

He could be a savage. But he wasn't in a literate savage. He was definitely literate. Yeah, he definitely had reasoning capabilities. Yeah.

You can use reason and capabilities to do very, very bad things people do all the time.

He did. He did. But again, it's not the point. It's probably pretty obvious by now that you definitely need the hollow app. You need peace and the hollow app can bring you there.

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Use the code Tucker, 50% off labs, 20% off supplements. Join Blokes. Get your edge back. Bless. So Goldberg's analysis, which is to say, "Gang, Goldberg is not even like a real person."

He's like a symbol of the American ruling class as conversations with itself. So he's reporting back to his master's, "There's no reason behind this." He's just, "I don't know if he was reporting back to his master." He's like, "I don't know Jeffery Goldberg, I don't know who he reports to. If he reports to the radio ecosystem in the United States, that's considered like the highest level of think peace."

So I don't know if he was reporting to anyone, but he certainly believes, "Yeah, I would assume he believes, he wrote a whole essay on it." That this was all just rapid anti-Semitism and a failed, and the worst part of the piece is that he already determines the success. He claims it's his march of folly, meaning he failed. Not only was he stupid, and he had, "Did he have no logic whatsoever?" But he failed.

And with him, all of his buddies has blah, blah, and on. They all failed. And it's all over it sucks, he had a good try to be failed.

“In 2018, and that this is a very important quote.”

There was an Italian journalist who's since left journalism, which is crazy to me, but she went out with a bang. A Frenchesca batted it or something. She didn't interview with, "You hasten a wad in Gaza, 2018." The interview was later published by Wynet, in the Hebrew paper, and it's a fascinating bit.

Not a lot of people remember the words that happened four years ago, and people are starting to feel a little antsy, a little jittery.

It's real super happy, because they're like, "We could just keep feeding them. This would be great." "We can ride this way forever." And she asked in this question about the next war. And it's crazy that, you know, Jeffrey Goldberg didn't quote "Sinwad once." It isn't a higher piece.

Seriously?

“I might be wrong, but I believe that he didn't quote "Sinwad once" in his whole piece, and there's a plethora of quotes.”

And they're all very, very useful and trying to understand what that'll happen. And he says something to the effect of, and I quote, "The next war, we're in the next war." The victory from Netanyahu, from Netanyahu, will be worse than defeat. This is the guy who apparently already knew that Netanyahu would still be in power. Why?

He might ask, "Because the next war is the fourth war, which cannot end like the third, which ended like the second, and which ended like the first."

And it's closing line is they should take over Gaza. It's quote, "Who?" That's your case in Wad. "Who should take over Gaza?" These rallies.

The next war is the fourth, the can't end like the third, which ended like the second and the first.

“So for those who aren't steeped in this, why would the head of Hamas want his really to take over Gaza?”

I don't know at that point if he wanted the Israeli to take over Gaza, but I think he was pointing something, I think he was pointing to something that's quite like theoretically elaborate, like a very, very high level understanding of how history functions sounds that way. Which is, he didn't want them to take over Gaza, but I think he understood that if there were to be another war, that it would be a disastrous war, and that it would force Israel into a corner where they would have two options.

Either we destroy this entire place.

And or we occupy Gaza, but the problem is that these rallies already occupied Gaza.

They already tried it, and they left, and they left for very good reasons. It was economically taxing. It was unsustainable.

“Israeli soldiers could die, there are PG attacks on settlements, and I think he understood that”

he would, in the next war, if there were to be a next war, put the Israelis in a position where they would be forced to grow up around in the gray, for a very, very long time, even if it would appear otherwise from inside, even if it could be sold to the population, otherwise. And along these lines, there is another quote, if you don't mind. About a year before October the 7th, don't quote me on this, but I think a year before October the 7th,

Sinwada did a speech, and he convened the leaders of his faction to various e-mands in Gaza. And it's like, it's a pretty boring speech, and he has no rhythm, and he's screaming way too loud. But there's one point that tons of people have cropped and isolated on Instagram. And he has this line, and he says, well, La Ara Haraylaan, he goes by God. I see it with the side of my eyes.

Harabakli, me, me, me, me, me, it's a Tahraklaq for the Ebis. Original, religious war that will burn with it, the green and the dry. You mean one run right now? Yeah. The one that will go on for a very, very long time, even if it appears to have ended.

Yeah. So it sounds like you think that in planning the attacks of October 7th, he saw the long game, and understood that it would be hard for Israel to deal with those consequences over time. I think to put it a little more specifically, I think, I think Sinua understood that the status quo that fell into place after 2014, this long silence, that it was poison for

the Palestinian cause, the notion of Palestinian resistance, but if your cause is that Palestinian should just leave, go to work, bring their bread home, then it's certainly identical to that. I think he understood that this was poison, and that if he continued on this way, will the next generation say when they didn't grow up with any wars? How long can you go on putting on marches for martyr children with cardboard tanks and

How long can you go on convening your Imam Sotaka about the day after?

Who's going to be the next Imam of Al-Aqsa after we liberate Palestine? How long can you go on with the foaming platitudes? It can't go on, and the longer you let it go on the weaker you get, and I think he understood that one thing was certain. You know when you shake a snow globe, you shake a shake a shake it, the flakes fly everywhere, and the one thing of which you can be certain is that

the flakes won't fall in the same place. That's the one thing you can know, and I think he understood that an attack, like this, it's the 9/11 of this conflict, that whatever

“was before won't be after, and that's why you call it a blood bath, even to the snake”

clean.

And it's having, or likely to have similar effects to the effects of 9/11 on the US, it draws

the country into all kinds of unanticipated conflicts that weaken the country and cause internal division within the country. Yeah, that'd be my guess. So to that extent, it's successful, it is strategic, and it's effective. In the short term, it's been successful, certainly, and I think in the long term, I think everyone, especially Israel, is have to wait. You know, there's a status quo that dies,

and there's a notion in Israel now that the status quo died, and we immediately established a new one. Meaning, they broke the last status quo, where we had peace and we had these little boxing around every two years with Hamas or whatever, but now we're strong. Now we do whatever we want, we bomb them, we bomb them, we bomb them, we bomb them, we bomb them, we bomb them, we bomb them on, we bomb them. We're in control, but this, but you don't decide

when a new status quo comes into birth. No, that's history, because there are millions of variables that come into that decision. Gaza is not even going to be rebuilt, currently

“Hamas has control, I think 46% of Gaza. So Israelis are groping around, I think they're”

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which means they actually work for you, not the banks. They're called America's home for home loans for a reason called 800-685-5696-800-685-5696 are visit americanfinancing.net/tucker. So I want to hear where you think that's going and why it is as dark as it's been in almost eight years, but back to October 7 itself. So you said you thought it was probably in the planning phases for at least a year. It would have had to have been just given its scale. I would think.

I think if you also look in October 2022, this is what the Israelis say. I think they found some kind of binder on the border. Yeah. October 2022 on it. But that was the year in which Hamas repaired their relations with the Shia axis. Yeah. That's the year in which suddenly you had I think Haniyah going to Moscow. Right. They repaired relations with Syria. And that was kind of

“I think the key into getting the back into the fold with people like Nassuraullah. Right. Suddenly you”

have Islamic Jihad and Hamas are meeting with Nassuraullah on a regular basis. I think they were invited to Iran also at a certain point. And I think so those are some pretty serious indications. But I mean, Israeli intelligence being, you know, as effective as it is, clearly must have picked up signals that's just going on. That's already been released. Yeah. So explain. If you would. Um, I mean, there are people probably know this better than I, but there, there's there is a

document that circulated within Israeli intelligence called Deft Jericho Wall. There was an intelligence analyst, I believe she was a female who sort of saw what was happening, gas, that there were certain military drills, certain speeches. And there was an indication that they were planning something really serious. And the story goes that her higher-ups, I think, were then Bergman reported on this

But no, we don't. It's like it admissible trash. Um, you had also soldiers at the observation post

along the border, who, uh, I don't know when exactly, I know if this was in the weeks or the months leading up to October of the 7th, but that were reporting to their higher-ups that, like, there are some strange little movements. It commences and much has been written about and even more speculated about, uh, so called stand-out order or these really government response to it.

“What, what's your belief about what happened? Are you asking whether or not I think”

the Israeli higher-ups wanted this to get out of control? No, I'm asking, like, what did happen? What do you think actually happened? Why, why from an outsider perspective, it seems like the

response was inadequate. It was certainly inadequate. Right. Why? Look, I don't know, but what's

strange to me is that, um, I think it was in the week or two after it's actually a negative be who was, like, the equivalent of the head of Homeland Security, I guess, through the National Security Council, something like that, um, in Israel. Um, he came out and admitted that I think three to four hours before the attack. They're, you know, certain intelligence officials, and I think the general, like they convened. There was a discussion. It's not like they woke up at 6.30 a.m.

So there was certainly something that happened among the highest echelons. One question I've had is why, do we know what they talked about? No, but there's a quote that circulated in Israeli media

that apparently the general of the time got out of bed and his wife was sort of like, what was

going on? And he just apparently turned around and said, "Gasin's going to be destroyed." That's a quote that circulated around Israeli media. I don't know what time this happens could have been at, you know, 6.29. I doubt it, though, because apparently the people were convened before. I don't know. I know what I saw on April 7th. I know where I was. So what did you see in what's your conclusion? One thing I'll say is that three weeks before, October 7th, I met with a journalist.

He's a British journalist. And we've been, he'd come like a year and a half before, and he's starting out fresh. I don't think he knew Israel's Palestine super well. So and I wanted to become a mainstream journalist at the time. So I thought he could help me. Scratch each other's backs. And we would talk a lot about what was going on. And for a year and a half, I was telling him that something's going to happen. Like, there's something weird that's going on. I need to listen to

me and he'd help me out. And about three weeks before, October 7th, we met for a beer and Jerusalem.

“And that was the same day in which the Palestinians, I believe it was three weeks before were doing”

these marches of return. You know, when they flood the border, they throw in a sendy area, balloons, a burn some fields and wait for the Israelis to come back and be like, okay, what will take you? What's your price? We'll take you to shut the fuck up. And he asked me, he's like, what, what do you think this is happening? And I remember distinctly looking at him and saying, I don't know, because after 2021 or 2022, I believe Bennett, I've tell you Bennett,

lifted the permit, what you call the permit ceiling as a word, like the quota. It's like some 2022,000 gasants received permits to come to Israel. After years of them not having any. And so usually they would do these sorts of antics to get something. We want construction materials. We want work permits. We want something. But there was nothing really to ask for.

“And so he, when we said goodbye that day, I remember, I'll never forget this. He looked at me and he said,”

you know, our, I think you're a really smart guy, and I appreciate you taught me a lot. But I just think you've misunderstood this place. I think you're a bit apocalyptic. I looked at when I said Tom, I think you've spent a little too much time with these Israelis. And so if I could have come to those conclusions with the limited amount of information I had, I'm sure there are many people within the intelligence establishment that had some idea. Do I think that BB allowed

to be 1,000 or 2,000 Hamas, militants to enter the country and kill people? A little, a little doubtful. But I don't know. From an American perspective or the perspective of anyone who's visited that border, which I have, pretty secure border looks like the Southern border. So like how, how did that happen? Does anyone fit? Let me rephrase. Has there been what you consider an honest and reliable accounting of how it happened? How did these guys get in here?

I think it's known. What even by how? I think physically speaking people know how they got in.

There was no increased level of alertness as far as I've heard. You certainly didn't have drones or anything

“in the air, which could have solved this entire problem. Of course. I like 15 minutes.”

So you have enough guys and enough RPGs and enough explosives. You break through concrete. Oh, I know that. But you just imagine that the border with Gaza, when there are, you know, credible intelligence reports of something, where's going on? Maybe we don't know what it is, but they would be on sufficient alert to have stopped us at the line. Why something didn't happen between that meeting, which I've heard, was between certain members of intelligence. I maybe three

in the morning, why there weren't drones that were put in the air or a helicopter or heightened alertness, significantly heightened alertness. I don't know. But what I have learned over many many years in Israel is that you would be surprised by what people can get away with. I know people in the West Bank who have fake Israeli ideas who slip in illegally and stolen Israeli cars to smoke hash with their friends on the other side and they go back. It would be surprised. So the myth of Israeli government efficiency

is a myth. Yeah, I don't know. Yeah. So it's not, it's the security's not as competent as people imagine it is. When it wants to be competent, it's very competent. I mean, if you ask yourself for example in Lebanon and Iran right now, how is it that they have thousands upon thousands of targets that are readily available? It's exactly right. It's because they wanted to have them. They said their sights on Iran and Lebanon and they neglected Gaza. Yeah, and that's the central

“question is why. And so once it's in progress, there is a stand-out order, what was that?”

Like why did they do that? Well, you can't flood the area with IDF because look, you're talking about a lot of troops, especially for the holidays or maybe in the north. It might be two, three hours away. Yeah. So I think it's a bit unreasonable to expect that they would have flooded the whole place with troops. It's harder. People have to get their guns to get equipment. It's like it's just

it's just a mayhem. There are soldiers in the first weeks of the war that didn't even have helmets.

You had Jewish communities that were sending like basic equipment because there were massive shortages. The real question in my opinion is why if there was some kind of indication around 3AM, why the Air Force wasn't it involved? Why helicopter drones or fighter jets weren't involved because that doesn't take a whole lot of time as far as I'm concerned. And we don't know the answer. No, I mean, no, I don't expect to know the answer, at least for a very, very long time.

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Once that happened, once the tax happened, was it always inevitable the response? Was Gaza always

going to get leveled? Once that happened? If that operation, if that attack were to be successful,

“and I think if we follow Sinwara's thread, I think it's threaderous from that he knew. Well,”

what do you mean by, you know, that this war will take with it, or burn with it, all the green, and all the dry. It's called scorched earth. Yeah. I think, yeah, I think there was an assumption that something of this nature would happen. The exact extent, no one can predict. Right, of course not. No. But that there would be massive change, potentially even of borders. Long term, potentially. In Gaza, certainly, I think the talk of border changes, for example, in Syria and Lebanon,

I think it's a bit overblown. I think it's a bit overblown. Yeah, I have no idea. We'll see. But, you know, things change. Well, I just have to pause and ask, what at this stage, you know, years later, what is the plan for Gaza? Do you think the Nanyahu government's plan for Gaza? You've got all these people living there. He said, on television, this morning, we're going to go with the Trump plan to move them all out of Gaza.

myth that certainly, you know, circulates in the Arab world, but definitely here in America, too,

that there's a whole lot more strategy that there's a whole lot more foresight in Israel. Yes, but people definitely believe that this is part of a plan greater Israel. This is strategy. I think I think you're overestimating the foresight. I wouldn't be surprised to find it. I'm not used specifically, but I don't think there's a massive plan in Gaza. There's certainly plans that have been thrown around, but right now as far as you can see, and this is precisely

what's in water. So I know that the Israelis had zero, that is the fact they had zero plan, at least communicated to the United States, for what would happen after the I told it was killed in Iran. They didn't have a good government in weighting or any kind of, because it doesn't matter

“to them. Well, clearly, what matters to Israel, what's useful for BB Netanyahu, specifically,”

is simply chaos, and the more definition that is given to the chaos, the more he has to account for the shape that it's taken. Right, smart, that's right. The difference between Iran and Gaza, though, is Gaza's like on your border. So would he want chaos in Gaza? Well, if you look at the border right now, I mean, you have a ton of buffer. It's not really bordering Israel anymore, true. And so in that sense, I think, and there's not a ton of chaos, meaning Hamas, I don't know

if they're in shambles. I think there are a lot of tunnels that are still left for example. They have light weapons, they have AK-47s, they have like tiny rockets that can sometimes send in, they're collecting taxes, apparently. So they're functioning. Are they a threat to Israel at this moment in time? No, and that since BB did, the minimum he would have to do, and still stopping short of actually determining a reality, because then he would have to explain to the Israelis,

why did I do X or not Y? Hmm. So you don't think that there anybody has a clear picture of where Gaza is in 10 years? In 10 years? No. But I do think that BB and the administration and the idea for alongside probably have an idea where Gaza, what they will do in Gaza if X happens with it on, if Y happens with Lebanon. Right. BB's playing sort of musical wars. Why does he have, why did they time Lebanon? Right now, it's a fail say for it on.

If Trump decides to pull out of it on, if Iran doesn't go the way BB needs, then he always has

Lebanon. And if all of that doesn't go the way he needs, he could go back into Gaza. It's sure you're suggesting that he has to have a war. At least until he gets elected next,

“I think so. You really think that's the motive. I think there are many motives. I think this is”

certainly the timing of a lot of things. The strange thing about BB is that, look, on the one hand, there's a national interest that lines up with a personal interest. If not just that BB is doing something that is has no, that wouldn't in any way benefit the national security of the country. I believe that for as far as Israel's concern, striking it on is quite possibly a great idea. You have from the largest proxy networks in the history of

the Middle East. That's bent on doing something to Israel, destroying them forever. I don't know if that was exactly the case. You have a massive paramilitary group on your board with Lebanon. Those are valid relatively objective strategic goals. But if you could tinker with them, if you can time them and modulate them to serve your personal motives. Well, it's a win-win. So have you heard anybody articulate plans for just to be totally clear on this? For moving the

more than one, probably fewer than two million people in Gaza anywhere? No, but I have

something else that I don't think has ever been released actually. I was working with the Washington Post as of until they fired their whole foreign desk as you saw. And we were doing a lot of interviews on the day after, specifically reconstruction, and trying to follow the money.

“Because that's what Gaza is about right now. It's all about money. And it's not just American”

money or Israeli money. It's the Gulf country. It's the Egypt. PA wants to get the finger in there as well. And I confirm this with two actually quite possibly three sources, if I'm not mistaken. But and this might not end up being in the case. But I understood that the the center that was put together by the American Army in Kiyat Gat, to map out or sort of strategize about Gaza and assist the Israelis, that they were making calls with that their lawyers were making

calls to certain organizations to look into the status of private property in Gaza.

the flyers at the Israelis dropping Gaza or the evacuation notices? Yeah. And they usually

divide it into sort of blocks. You have numbered blocks and those are private properties. Right? Now, if you have an entire swath of territory, entire neighborhoods that are upside down or backwards, that no longer follow the logic of a grid, you can't expect that some Khatari or Saudi or whatever company is going to come in and rebuild Gaza identically to the way it was before. No, so I heard that the plan was to have to sort of like rotate, take a population from an area,

move them away, build a massive complex as it were. It could be condominiums, could be apartments. I don't know what. And then move them back and continue doing this rotation for however long it takes. What does that mean? It means that you are fundamentally altering the urban planning and with the demography of and private property of Gaza. If you have a building on a swath of land

“on a plot of land that used to have five to seven bits of private property, you have to reconfigure”

and you have to suspend that private property and create a new precedent. I was told by someone very, very high up in the PA that this was intended that there was going to be a suspension of private property for a period of maybe seven years. Now, what does that mean? It quite possibly and this

is the most cynical possible conclusion you could draw. It could mean that it could mean basically

that it is look in the West Bank, it's sometimes Israel struggles to take certain parts of swaths of land or to build actual settlement. Sometimes they'll have caravans in certain areas, but not houses in the reason is that to some degree Israel still be holding to Ottoman and Jordanian legal precedent and they can wake all around, you can maneuver, but it's a camping nullified. It's very hard to see as any Jerusalem exact all the time. So what happens?

“I'll pose you the question I guess. What happens in Gaza if you suspend all of private property”

and you're going to say in seven years we're going to revisit it or it will be reconfigured by legal experts who, by then, will have disappeared. You break a massive precedent. It's just a reset, exactly. It's a golden opportunity. Will that happen? I don't know. But based on everything I've heard, it is within the realm of possibility. And it makes logical sense as well. So it's a, yeah, did people in Israel take the Trump administration's plan for redevelopment

with casinos and beachfront condos. They take that seriously? I like citizens and Israel people. You think the government did? I don't know. Did you? No. Yeah. No. That's not going to happen. I highly doubt it. Yeah. It's still run by a militant group. There's still some, there's hundreds of kilometers of tunnels that have been dealt with by the IDF, which they also lied about. I spoke to a general. His name is Yitzhak Brik. Have you heard of him? No.

“It's strange because he's not. I think his English is a little bad. So we don't hear from”

him a lot in the West. But he was a guy who went on three months before October 7th and said, quote, "There will be a massacre here." This is a guy who was a general reserve general who also audited. He was tasked with, I think, for many, many years auditing troops. He worked for the IDF audit, meaning he would go between France, between units, and assess troop readiness, routines, equipment. He knew the IDF inside and out and he worked under several generals

leading up to October 7th. And for years he was screaming that we are, we're not really ready for anything. And we're cutting our ground troops because we want to be a compact, technologically adept army,

we're basically rendering ourselves naked on the ground. And he went down to the Gaza Board and

he sees that basically the soldiers treat like summer camp. He have girls and, you know, do talk videos. Like summer camp. It reached a point again, back to the status quo where Israelis genuinely believed that the conflict was kind of over. This is just, it's going to be this way. There's going to be a big wall. There's going to be there. We're going to be here. And it's talk, but he guys sat with him a lot about a year ago. And he was telling that he was

getting calls from a lot of soldiers who work in the tunnel, even if I spoke to several soldiers who either worked in the tunnels or were guarding tasks with guarding them, supervising the work. There was tons left, tons left. He said this general said 75% I don't know if that's definitely true. But I heard from a lot of soldiers that the material used to totally destroy tunnels is very expensive

You pour concrete inside. And it just takes probably some dudes, however many days later to come and undo the concrete, break the concrete. And I also heard from soldiers that the Hamas was repairing tunnels during the war. In the midst of fighting, there were tunnels that were being our shafts that were being repaired. For decades, Russell Brand was one of the most famous actors and comedians and agnostics in the world today. He is one of the most sincere

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days. It is the message this country needs most. Find us a day on Tucker Carlson Books.com. There was a big debate in this country about whether or not the Israeli government sent money, not its own money, but the money of the Icytson Qatar to Hamas, whether or not I would did that. And then it seemed to have been confirmed. He tells us what you know about that and what the motive was. What kind of are we talking about the money that came in before

October 7th or October 7th or October 7th? Oh, the suitcases of cash. Exactly. Yeah. Yeah, I know that there was tons of cash. I don't actually have the numbers. I forget.

“What was the thinking? I think it's confirmed now. That was considered very controversial. There are”

pictures of the suitcases and the money going into it. Yes, definitely confirmed. The thinking was we keep them happy and fat and they don't bother us, which is getting the logic of the marches of return. We're going to come. We're going to make some noise until these rails come and say, what's your price? What will it take to get you to shut up? More money, more work permits, construction materials? It was part of maintaining a status quo.

And someone probably soon will realize that this, if I get too fat, if we get too fat, we won't be able to move anymore. Right. I think it's that simple. So from thousands of miles away, it seems like a, it's real seems like a pretty tough project to keep going over generations because of the numbers, just tiny countries surrounded by people who don't like it or recognize its legitimacy, some of whom are motivated to do harm.

So that's like, that's not a good ratio over time. It's hard to maintain that. It's like Granny is really perspective to people think ever think of that? No, but I think there's about, there's maybe two or three ways of looking at this. On the one hand, there's a demographic perspective

“where yeah, that's what I mean. Yeah, just the number. That's one perspective. And if you look at”

the numbers, so how many Jews are there in Israel? I think there's seven, seven, seven, seven,

seven, like that. And you have two million Palestinians who have citizenship. But I think the proper

calculation is within the area under control, under Israeli control, what's the population divide? And at that point, you have 50, 50. If you take West, the West Bank where there are also Jews living, but also Gaza because these are all areas that are that imping upon Israel and which are under Israeli control tacitly or or actually, you have seven million Palestinians, two in Israel, three in the West Bank, two in Gaza, so seven, you have seven million Jews. It's have right now,

it's split, half, half. Demographically speaking, that is a problem. Do I think that will be what brings Israel to its knees if it is ever brought to his knees? No. I was seeing more the macro-demographic

problem of the Arab world, the Muslim world, almost two billion. So when I hear Netanyahu say we're

fighting a seven front war, whatever number of fronts it was seven fronts recently, yeah, I think you don't have the economy, you don't have the manpower, and you no longer have the good will to sustain that for very long at all. Like ultimately, if you have enough enemies and there's two fewer you and enough at them, you're going to lose. People have been saying that for a long time. Well, it hasn't even been there 80 years, so I think they've been on a few things, they have nuclear weapons,

the sure for sure. But there's also a sense in which you can't fight everybody, and so I don't see when I talk to Israelis and just when I watch, I don't see any long-term strategy

“that rests on real alliances. Like you have to have, this is true not just for Israel, but for”

each one of us as a person in this world, you have to have more powerful friends than you do enemies

or else ultimately you get destroyed, and I don't see that realization at all, it seems almost arranged. Like as we have nuclear, who cares if you have nuclear weapons, so does everyone else, like so what? Everyone else doesn't have nuclear weapons, but I mean a lot of people have no other people including in your region, that's true. But I think right now you have this logic being pushed around by BB, which is, you know, peace through strength. I think the Israelis have this sense

that if we push long enough, let's say we do manage to change the regime and hit on. Not top a little bit changed it. We can have an arrangement. The Gulf countries, because they've felt very exposed right now, maybe they'll be tension, there'll be tension with United States, maybe this will also bring other Gulf countries closer to us. There are already tassel relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel, the exchange intelligence among other things, but maybe this will

bring them closer. Yeah, what the Saudis have been pushing for this war. Exactly. And in Lebanon,

same side is Israel, basically on this question. And in Lebanon, what was the aim when Israel

wanted to Lebanon in the 80s, the aim was we want to change the demography, we're going to change the government, we're going to put the Christians in power and make peace. The opposite happened, opposite happened, and what are they doing now? I believe that in some dim recess, it might not actually be an act of strategy, but I do believe that in some dim recess Israel would like

“civil war in Lebanon, because between you and me, if I'm being totally honest, the only way to deal”

with has Bala is not just a paramilitary group. They are demographically entrenched in the country. They are self-definition, and they are the Shi'ai population that was also a prison for a very long time. And there are a lot of Shi'ai's in Beirut now. It's not just the south. Yeah. Yeah. And so I think

there is a desire for potentially civil war in Lebanon. For sure. And that, I mean, you've seen this

where you saw it in Syria, you know, you've seen it in a lot of the same strategy. I'm just saying, and I'm not attaching values to any of this. What's right or wrong, or even one's good for the United States, or any of that. I just think as a general principle, that's day trading. That's a short-term strategy that doesn't work long-term, but maybe people think it does work long-term. You can do that forever. I don't think you can. No, probably not. I think they're hoping that

either this altering is out exactly the way they want it, which is highly unlikely, or that you have enough chaos. This is a desire for chaos. Right. But that all of these places should be at least uncertain. If we can't determine what the best possible reality for us and the very least, the reality should be indeterminate. It should be in flux. Right. No, I get it. I totally get it. And again, I'm not even judging this, or that's wrong. It's not a lecture. I just mean like as

as a kind of almost a physics principle in the end, or over time, chaos is bad for you. It's bad for everybody. It's bad to have chaos nearby you. It's bad to have your neighbor get divorced. That actually increases the chances you get divorced. There's a way in which chaos is a virus, and it hurts you in the end, even though you think you can control that you can't. That I think that's a pretty stable principle of history. I think the big, weak point of Israel.

I think sometimes when you look strategically or at the surrounding countries, there's another point here, which is Israel on the interior. Israel psychologically. Right. Israel is really psyche. Exactly. I think that that is the actual weak point. If anything brings Israel to its knees, which doesn't mean it will be exterminated or extinguished, that it will die as a state. But the thing that will fundamentally shadow the foundation, either to end

the country or to start a fresh status quo for the country, it will be internal. I believe. And if you

“want to understand that dynamic, I think you have to look to the West Bank. What kind of you say,”

this is so often overlooked. One only real genocide in history was the Romans in 70 AD and Jerusalem. And one of the reasons that they were able, that seizure was successful, is because of the almost unbelievably barbaric fighting between Jewish factions within Jerusalem. The Romans got through because the defenders were fighting each other. I just think that's also another principle. It's like if you destroy, if you don't have a unified country, you're much weaker than you think you

were, I guess. I mean, yes, yes and no, sometimes I do think about that. On the other hand, Israelis do at least until now, they've shown a pretty serious ability to just put all of their

I think, two weeks ago, about greater Israel. And he couldn't even reject that as a political position.

Yeah. He talked about scraping away at Lebanon, which is fine if you're Bebe, or if you want to be with Bebe, that's the doctrine. But you have this thing within the Israeli opposition, that Bebe has put them in a corner that over the course of the war, they have had no choice, but to parent his speech, to use his language. And he buried them. And so doing. No, that certainly what it seems like looking from the outside,

can I ask so, but the, I mean, again, this is an unsatisfactory perspective, gone Hebrew speaking perspective, but it seems like the core division is religious, non-religious. Or it has been, is that still true? Where is that? The idea that a certain percentage of the country doesn't serve doesn't participate meaningfully in the economy, and there's deep resentment

“toward them by people who do. That has been true for a while. Is that still true? Is it more true?”

Less true. I think it's where it was a year ago, probably where it was two years ago, tensions they arrived and they fall. I'm also not like the greatest expert on that, but if you live there, or does that seem like a crisis in the country? I don't think it's reached the point of a crisis. It could, it could. But again, I don't think if you'd permitted to go back to something else, I think you were mentioning the Romans. And it reminds of exile. And I think

what you see in the West Bank, if you're talking about long-term in the darkest depths of the Israeli psyche, what is going to affect the longevity of the country? It's the interplay, the psychological interplay between the Israelis and the Palestinians, in the West Bank. It manifests itself most in the West Bank, because in Tel Aviv, you know, you have a bunch of Shmaki life-style Japanese and Tel Aviv who just want to forget. Tel Aviv is the subconscious of the subconscious

of Israel. But the West Bank is where the complexes have the bottom of the Israeli psyche, it's where they play out. And so at the end of the, have a strange problem, which is that the Israelis come back, the Jews come back after two to three thousand years, as they were exiles. We'd have to debate when exactly how many years. But what happens is you have people who have a kind of not a native right, but a kind of native claim who come back in colonial costume.

There's a reason why the relationship between the Palestinians and the Jews is different than that

of between the Palestinians and the British and the Ottoman. Because the Ottoman never came and said,

like, this is their home then, we're coming back now, it's all ours. In order to the British,

“that's what the Israeli says, for the Jews did. And again, I don't want to debate sort of like”

what is right or what is claim. I think by and large, it's fair to say that the Jews have some kind of relationship with the land, meaning there are many Palestinian villages that have that you could trace their names back to Jewish ancient settlements. Does it mean that in Israel or a Jew can come and take it? No. But what it does mean is that you can't understand the conflict between the Israelis or the Jews and the Palestinians without realizing that this is a struggle for nativity.

And that in some way, they are the mirror images of each other. And in many ways, the Palestinians are the new Jews. And neither one really wants to admit it, especially the Israelis. And so in the West Bank, I've been the West Bank a lot the last minute Jews in what sense, the people who have the moral authority of victimhood. Like the world looks at the benches we feel sorry for you, you've been mistreated. Not about that, it's a tale of exile in nostalgia, right? The differences of the Palestinians

are exiled on their own land, which also makes it very hard for these rarely to deal with this problem.

For them, it's a problem. We have people in -- I always say to Jews to Israelis in Israel.

I'm like, look, if the Jews came back after 23,000 years and didn't forget that there were periods of forgetting. Why do you think that the Palestinians want to do the same? And they're right on the borders. They can see it. You can see Israel from Europe. But you can see it from Gaza. You

“can see it from the West Bank. What do they say when you say that? You should just go silent.”

They don't want -- they don't want to understand. There's a point. The problem in Israel is that, you know, I used to have a lot of -- I used to have some Israeli sort of religious friends who would come to my dorm when I'd have my Arab friends with me and we'd have some really nice conversations. They even befriended each other. But at some point, my Israeli friends stopped speaking to them. Because there's a point in any Israeli dialogue, there's a point at which Israeli has to make a decision.

Left to right. Am I going -- if I go down this path and really try to understand the other side, I risk exposing certain things with the grounds of my own identity here, but the foundations of

turn around and forget this happened. And so in the West Bank right now, there's some very, very weird trends. You have the number of outposts in the West Bank, because it's increased. I don't know why I haven't. I don't know why I haven't. The hundreds of outposts. Every other hill in the West Bank has a shack on it. It's the scale isn't saying. And I visit some of these outposts, and what you see is a little bit of a strange thing, you have something called the hilltop youth. Have

you heard of this? Of course. So this is like the third mutation of settlers. The first settlers

were kind of like kibutsnik people, right? What's their goal? The goal of the kibutsnik is I need to revive some kind of relationship with the land. The first generation settlers were not going down the hill and like programming people. They had their hill, they had their barbed wire, they had your shacks and your goats. Self-improvement seemed like one of the main goals of the first of the kibuts generation. Yeah, we're going to improve ourselves by making a green and growing

“things. I think a lot that also had to deal with the exile thing. You haven't been here. It's like”

a prisoner who comes home after 30 years, walks into the kitchen and sees his wife and kid and says, "Hey honey, how you doing? Sit down as if nothing happened." That was the desire. But there's 30 years to make up for, in this case, you have two or 3000 years to make up for. So part of the kibutsnik ideologically was we have to revive some sort of connection with the land, but my point is that

the third mutation of the settlers, which is now the hilltop youth, they're strange. I mean,

they now wear Palestinian cofias. The Palestinian headress had a lot of fun. They're wearing those things. Black ones? The white and black of the Palestinian ones? Yeah. Which is kind of strange, because if you even dressed up for Halloween like that, tell a few people would say things. People very sensitive to symbol of terrorism in Israel. And you have the settlers running around, from stones, wearing the very thing that once frightened them as children. And you have another

“trend, which is now they want donkeys or there's a lot of shepherding, but with machine guns.”

Or you have, you know, settler chic, which are like young outpost women, who are what they call Israelite fashion. Do you see where I'm going? Do you see where I'm going? Be more specific for those of us who live in the United States, what's Israelite fashion? You know, it's kind of like in Hebrew, they use words like sort of, um, villagey, Israelite, or pastoral. Yeah, which is also the word in Hebrew used to describe the vibe you get in areas that you have Palestinian villages

that are now either forests or, or towns. Lots of wild, natural, trouble, and foliage. The point being is that we've seen the West Bank now is an attempt to double down on nativity. And so I was in a Palestinian village, it's called Tudmos Ayah. It gets attacked quite a bit. I'm not sure if you saw there is a report, maybe six months ago if I'm not mistaken, like three to four thousand allotries that were cut down the West Bank. Yes, it's a big story.

And I was there when this happened, that weekend by chance. And I remember sitting with one of these Palestinian guys, and we were attacked by settlers once, and they went back, they burned about four houses down right in front of me. I saw,

they stabbed a bunch of sheep. It's first time I ever saw this with my eyes, saw videos all the time,

but I actually saw smoke, building out of the houses. And the guy said something pretty interesting. He looked at me and he was very calm and he said, they want, they wanted all that once.

“That's what he means. He goes, he goes, you know, they kind of want to be like us.”

You know, they want, they want to shepherd, but they also have to have machine guns. And they want, they want the olive trees, but they don't see that we pay our roads around all the trees. They want all the ones who want to slice the mountain, get the barbed wire on, you put your houses there, they want, they want to compensate for 3,000 years, they want to get back to some point, but they worth 3,000 years, but they want all that ones they want it now,

and they don't want anyone to be there to disturb them. And so it puts the settlement movement into a strangely, I'd call it an autoimmune position, sort of autoimmune. Because these people are simply taking a hill after hill after hill, hoping that they'll come a day, one fine morning when they wake up, and it's empty and they have quiet. But even when that happens, they don't have people to populate, people don't want to live

in the West Bank. Why? The average is really does not want to be sitting on a hilltop surrounded by Palestinians. The average is really wants to, you know, sit until the view, blacks may be some a good joint, make money by housing grease. The Kefia is very confusing to me, settlers dressing as Palestinians. So is the message where the real Palestinians? I think what's going on is subconscious.

outpost a few weeks ago. I'm surprised they let me in, so I'm put the gun on me when I went in,

“and then they realized, "I, you know, my name's Ari, I'm flanseration, they're like, "Oh, here, you're”

all right, come in." We got to talking, this guy's wife is one of these settlers' sheik influencers. And I wanted to talk to her about the fashion. I wanted to hear, like, "How do you explain this, so that I could then put it into a piece?" And her husband is also sort of this lumberjack, he guy, he's got blue eyes, dirty blonde hair, he's like, "Towing the fields, pretty sure belong to people, just down the hill." And where are they from originally?

One of them is actually from the West Bank, was born another settlement in the West Bank, and I believe she is from some more inside Israel, maybe Jerusalem, but I might be wrong.

Times of Israel did a piece on her, actually, like, a week before I was there, and they got

real weird with me, real weird. They're like, "What do you want?" I was like, I'm just here to talk about fashion, and then her husband gave her a look, she walked off, went completely silent, and he sat down with me alongside the guy who pulled his gun on me, and they guys kind of look and me like, "Who are you, what do you want?" I was like, "I'm a journalist, can I see your work?" I said, "Yeah, I write about security matters, this is for a magazine piece."

“Long story short, they kicked me out. They said you should probably get out of here,”

and when I went outside the smoke cigarette before leaving, that the guy who pulled his gun on me is just sitting on that success, asked you a question, you go, "Yeah, I said, why can't we have a conversation?" Due to due, because I told them, like, I'm wondering about this nativity thing, and the guy looked at me and he was kind of, he knew something was off, because he's like, "It's not that many people who do that." Now, so the fact that you know it,

but you're aware of it, probably means that I triggered him a little bit, and when we're outside smoking the cigarette, I asked him, "Why can't we talk because you know it could have gone a lot worse for you today?" I said, "What do you mean?" He goes, "You know what I mean?" I said, "You threatening me?" He said, "No, but there are people who would do a serious number on you." I said, "Even to a fellow Jew," and he said, "It's beyond the theology." He said, "This is beyond

the theology." And I spent the whole car ride home thinking about what he could have possibly meant by that. "What is it about then?" When he said, "This is beyond the theology," and I already laid out sort of the nativity dynamics, but within the settlement movement, what it would possibly mean by, "This is beyond the theology." I haven't, are these religious people? That's another question about settlers in the West Bank. They're not entirely religious. You know, you have a lot of

religious to our religious people. There's also a lot of people who aren't that devout or pious that religious, the religion in certain cases becomes a kind of aesthetic thing, or a vehicle for sort of nationalistic ends. Right. I mean, the settlement that I was in with this sort of the the the the settler fashionista, a week after she had a DJ at the outposts and outposts as two people live in there. It's a shack, a DJ at a bunch of women dressed in is were like clothing,

doing a meditative and like like trans disco kind of like party. What? Yeah, it was kind of strange.

So I'm having trouble fitting this into a category. So the two motives that you always hear here

in the US or when I've been in Israel are either these are you know religious people who are sort of acting out some kind of malignalist vision, or there are people who want cheaper housing and housing in Israel. Those are two separate categories of settler. Right. But you're describing

“a third category that's kind of like cosplay kind of like, what are you describing? Why are they doing this?”

What I'm describing is a part of the broader category of settlers who are there to had the forefront who are forwarding the set, who are pushing the set. Yeah. Yeah. Forward. As opposed to the people on cheap housing who just literally go into kind of you, you know, yeah, but I don't like God. I've seen that. Yeah. Um, where it all comes from, I don't know, but I think that it's a big commitment to move to a hill tops run up by concertino wire like

you don't do that by accident. But if you're 14, 15, 16, 17 years old, if you're in your early 20s, you want to be king of the hill? Want to play cowboy? Yeah. So is that what do you think it is? I think in many cases, again, like the hilltop youth, I found them once, you know, these snottknows BDIs, like kids with their head shaved driving a stolen Palestinian car on the Sabbath. Tell me to get the fuck out or I'm gonna get beat. Like it's, it's fucking weird.

It's weird. Where, where, where these really authorities sometimes apps and sometimes present, and even when they're present, they can be quite apps. And if I'm running Israel, I'm, I'm paying a very, I'm paying close attention to these people because that they could be a threat to me. You know, armed people who were increasingly radical and nobody's kind of

If I were Netanyahu, I'd be worried about them. I thought about that quite a few times. I mean, there's a few things going on here, right? In the security establishment in Israel, there are a lot of voices who are very concerned. And this is just what you hear publicly. You can imagine that behind closed doors. There's a lot more talk. They are concerned. BB in order for his coalition also has to keep serving them, right? Whatever they want,

the real problem in the West Bank is that you have these guys who are armed and that, you know,

“you had Avram on the other day. And he said that I believe that at some point to another,”

the settlements will be collapsed. I would agree with him, but the question is not whether or not they'll be collapsed. The question is, what is going to have to happen for that to happen? What will happen on the way before you reach that point where the settlements are collapsed?

Will it be some sort of civil chaos? Will it be a third in Tefada? There's a lot of talk in Israel,

but a third in Tefada. But my sense is that what happens next is not something that follows the sequence of in Tefada, but, you know, kind of like what happened in Gaza, this shattering of the status quo. I think there will come a point where something analogous, logically speaking, happens in the West Bank. Will it look like Gaza not at all? Will it be equally as cataclysmic, maybe? Quite possibly. That's my sense.

But I mean, it's a different dynamic in the West Bank. I mean, isn't it? I mean, it's first of all, it's richer than Gaza ever was. It's more kind of established series of towns. Which is why, oh, in terms of the settlements, you mean? No, no, no, that Palestinian population in the West Bank. I mean, it's not. I don't know, it's just harder to imagine something like that happening there. Because I don't think, as I said, I don't think what happens there is going

“to look like, right, be like what happened in Gaza. But I think, if you permit me a few minutes,”

you know, there's a reason why I'll talk with the 7th came from Gaza and not from the West Bank. I spent, I spent last summer in the Janine refugee camp, if you've heard of it. And I sat with the, who was then the leader of Islamic Jihad. It was the Amir, the Prince of Islamic Jihad. I sat with a few other guys from the various other factions. And what I understood was that the resistance

in the West Bank, basically there's a threat going all the way back to 48. You're exiled and you want

to get back and you want to fight. And then there is a serious amounts of terrorist attacks. And then eventually there's a political process. And you'd assume that any resistance movements or any kind of terrorist operative you want to call it, that they would eventually want to yield some kind of political outcome. But also eventually fails. You have the first and the far out of the second and the second and the second and the far out is basically a lashing out, meaning the threat has

reached its end. And the West Bank at that point was faced with the factions in the West Bank or faced with sort of two options. Either we pause and take a breath and figure out what the fuck we're doing here, or just going to keep shooting aimlessly, just like shooting to make it look to make it look like we're doing something. We're going to military marches. We're going to act really cool. But the guys are just like hood boys, they're just putting on headbands and like with a

marbrow red in their mouths and just shooting. Usually not even to hit. The aim is usually just to die. The logic of the camps, the logic of the resistance in the West Bank is completely backwards, which means I don't think there's going to be like an October 7th in the West Bank. But when I was in these villages that were getting attacked by the settlers, there's one line that kept coming up. And I'm talking about a line I was hearing from your average Palestinian

farmer or peasants, which was their will come a day. Their will come a day when we are pushed a little too far. And at that point, the question is how many minutes does it take for a bunch of people to run up to a hill and maybe overwhelm the settlement? And all the men told me that we're going to chew them like dogs. I would think that's coming. I mean, based on the behavior you're describing, it's quite possible. I wouldn't discount it. What do you make that the two most fit in the U.S.

the two most famous cabinet ministers, and then then Yahoo government, or a smotrish and

Ben Gravere? Are they powerful figures in Israel? How are they regarded? What's their motive,

“strategy, plan? I don't think that they are close to as popular as they were. I think babies”

popularity has increased actually over the course of the war because these rarely have the very short memory, especially when it comes to warfare. But I don't really know what to say, but what's it, and Ben Gravere? It's not really my specialty. I guess it just seems unimaginably radical

visited. All of a sudden you have these guys, these two don't recognize it, guys, sound really,

really radical. Or it seems like a departure from anything Americans have ever heard in this really

“government official say. I think what you're hearing is what you often hear behind closed doors,”

all over Israel, what you can hear to Café and Tel Aviv. Meaning that the notion of, yeah, maybe they could go somewhere. The Palestinians, maybe they just like they could be gone. The question of those are questions that come up, you hear it regularly. These aren't completely insane conversations to hear. You can hear it from like a hippie at a Café and Tel Aviv, smoking a joint. What changes that suddenly you're hearing it more and more on TV?

I remember I heard one news commented, our news anchor asked about transfer.

And I was like, this is a bit insane. Imagine if someone on CNN came along and sort of talking about transferring another an entire other population, go out to legal. Right, people who were born there, been there for thousands of years, maybe hundreds, maybe thousands, I don't know. But it doesn't matter. They were there when when these rallies came. Yeah, it's a matter of how long they've been there for. So yeah. What about, I mean, it used to be in my living memory,

there was a significant population of Israelis who had totally different views, or like, no, that's wrong. Human rights or thing. You can't do that. How big is that?

“And of a burger, I think is either kind of Israeli, I remember from 25 years ago there were”

a bunch of people like that. How many are left? I mean, the left is dead. The left is dead. These rarely left is dead. And the question is to why they died? It's because they spent a, I think a bit too much time beating the horse of Oslo dead. Oslo obviously failed. And the left was unwilling to concede that fact, which meant that for many, many years.

I think unto this day, the left never re-evaluate. The never came with another proposal,

or another plan, or another way of thinking about the conflict. They kept beating the horse of Oslo dead. I mean, while these rarely right continues to turn out active propositions, we're going to reform the judiciary. We want to take the West Bank very concrete things, the right winner in Israel will tell you what they want. A left winner in Israel will tell you how they feel. Yeah. And yeah, I think that's, I think that's the long and short of it.

It's good explanation. What, do Israelis have a sense of what the rest of the world thinks of Israel? Yeah, I think they have a sense. The question is, is how deeply do they think about the sense and how much merit are they willing to give? Do they care? I think they've done they care. I know one like no one likes to be hated. I don't think anyone likes to be hated. But I think the more you feel like you're hated, the more you want to hate everyone else,

or just completely discount them. The more you want to dig your heels and then double down. Huh, that's interesting. Yeah, I mean, I feel like I'm often attacked for hating Israel. I don't need Israel at all. I feel sorry for Israel. I think they're in trouble. They don't seem to agree, but I think they are. But whatever my views, I mean, a lot of people hate Israel, like around the world. I hear it a lot. When I travel, I feel like the moderate one.

“And I think that's a big change. And I always wonder, do these Israelis know that? Do they care?”

I think these Israelis are probably the most hated people in the world right now. That's my impression. Full stop. Yes. One of the greatest things I ever did was not get Israeli passport. And I feel bad for friends who have them. I would be scared. I'm going to be totally honest. I would be scared right now. I'm sometimes scared to even say I'm Jewish. I'm lucky enough that I have Arabic. And if I'm in Europe, I just help people. I'm Palestinian. Some people might not like,

but I think I put in the time to warn them. Sometimes I'm scared to say that I'm Jewish. And I'm, I would definitely be scared to have Israeli passport. I think that's totally fair. That's fair. And I'm a, I'm the last person to wind about anti-Semitism. But I think Israel is literally hated. So I agree with you completely. I just, I just, oh, again, just, once more just want to be clear, you don't think Israelis have the sense that that's a bad thing. And we should be worried

about it or that we played any role in that at all. I think the Israelis, there are Israelis who, you have a small liberal population of Israelis, many of whom I hear talking about, the fact that they don't see a future for themselves in the country anymore. Right. A lot.

telling me left leaning decent Israelis who are like, I, I don't know if I can have more kids here. Or I don't want my kids to be in the army or I don't want my kids to have to deal with whatever the consequences of the Jewish role format now, this entire war. The rest of the Israeli population, I think by and large, are bent on. They've all doubled down. Really? And I think a lot of people. So BB reflects the population he represents, you think. I don't think a lot of people have

problems with anything that BB represents. I think people have problems with the fact that he might

have a corruption case, which I think is very negligible. But you're never at dinner and people say,

"Man, I can't be all those kids who are killed in Gaza." That's bad. I'm sorry we did that. I don't hear it a lot, but you can say, "No, you might hear it." It might be a symbolic gesture,

“like a virtue signal, but it's immediately followed with, you know, that's what you got to do.”

I mean, they came to kill us or their anti-Semites. Yeah. Where do Israelis think anti-Semitism comes from? I often hear it invoked, so-and-so is an anti-Semite, you're anti-Semite. What, how do they define it and what do they think its root is? I think the root is age old, as far as Israelis are concerned. People hate us because people have

always hated Jews. You hear this all a lot in synagogues also across North America. You have a message

being pushed constantly that people just hate us. And I think there are a lot of people who just hate Jews. And there's a lot of people who are waiting for an excuse to hate Jews. But specifically, why do they hate Jews? But the question is, is there a distinction between those people and Palestinians? Are the Palestinians fundamentally anti-Semitic? You can spare me quotes from an Imam here, or an Imam there, or the fact that they conflate Jew and Israeli. By and large, are

these, is this a people who has premised its existence on killing Jews as Jews? And I do not think that that's the case. Yeah, I wouldn't, I wouldn't know. But I just think that there are a lot

“of anti-Semitic people and they hate Jews. I agree with that. And I think it's wrong. That's what I think.”

But I also think it's worth that. Like, what is that? Is it a spiritual thing? I mean,

we say what's always existed, I believe that. But what's its, I mean, what's its cause?

And I've never heard one person ask that question. And I think I believe in asking or trying to understand the cause of everything, you can't often. But it's always worth doing. I wanted to know why Al Qaeda attacked the US on 9/11. I thought it was horrible. I had a friend killed, but I still want to know why. And I never hear anybody ask that question. Given that anyone asked about the sort of like the bottom root of anti-Semitic. Never,

not one time, other than to say, and by the way, I'd be willing to believe, I'd be willing to believe that it's spiritual in nature. What is spiritual mean? That there's, you know, a belief among Jews and some Christians that Jews are distinct among peoples because God made them distinct and that there is a spiritual reaction. That is a religious belief that some people have, many people have. And I'd be willing to believe, I don't know,

if it's true, that this is like a reaction against that from evil. So that's one explanation. But I never even hear anybody ask the question. Like what I hear instead is people say, it's just, it's always been there, it always will be there. What does that mean? I guess that's what I'm asking. I mean, within the European context, and look, I'm not an expert in anti-Semitism.

I'm not a, within the European context, you have a people who are also forced into the margins of society. They're easily scapegoated. They also maintain the certain level of distinction from the rest of society. And those are people that are very easy to hate. But I can't, I can't give you a storyography of a anti-Semitism.

“I can tell you why I think it's on the rise right now. I can, why is it on the rise right now?”

We have a bit of an issue, right? I mean, you have Israel doing what Israel does is getting record amounts of attention. There's record amounts of sympathy with the Palestinian cause. I mean, there were many people, if you would ask them 20, 30, 40 years ago, if they understood what actually was the fate of the Palestinian people, they would have understood they wouldn't have known. You know, there's a famous quote by Ben Gurion who following 48, you know, there were

600, some 600 villages that were destroyed. Yes. And I remember, there's somewhere in the archive,

want them to see have superfluous thoughts. These are superfluous. I mean, you're going to clean up

the mess. I feel like destroy them or plant trees for parks in their place, which is why you have many parks all over Israel." And people didn't really understand, they didn't know that. I don't know, I not know that. So parks, you've seen as you're often on the physical spot of a former Palestinian village. In many cases, yes. In many cases, yes. Which is also bound up with the JNF,

“the Jewish National Fund. Yes. I remember hearing from someone in Toronto that I think the government”

was going to start sanctioning the JNF and people were really up in arms about this. And I said, it's sort of the end of the day, you have to decide what your relationship with Israel is.

You can't, it's hard to have. It's hard to expect people from without to understand why

at a synagogue you also have an Israeli flag there if you don't also want to bear the brunt of what's happening in Israel takes some responsibility. And I'm saying, from without, you can't expect people to understand that. I think there's a sense within the Jewish American community specifically, but also in Israel. People expect everyone else to understand them from within. It's why it should be very obvious, why Israelis believe

it should be obvious, what we're doing. All this should be obvious. And the fact that you're asking questions of itself potentially an indication that you are against us, that you just want

to recognize. When I ask people questions in Israel, the first thing is like, why are you asking?

If I want to interview someone as a journalist in Israel, I have to be very careful with the language I use. If I use the word "withbanks" in a Judean scenario, within a certain demographic or act, it's over. Seriously? I tend to say, we, and not you, because if I say you, they're like, what do you mean you? They're all on this together. I don't know, I'm not on this really citizen, even that is of it sensitive. You're describing narcissism. The belief that other people

should just understand what I'm feeling. In a healthy person understands that each one of us

“is sort of locked away and are on private dramas, and that's why we communicate and I need to”

understand you. It's very important to understand you, and I want you to understand me, but it's not natural. Right? That's the basis of a relationship. It's an isolated and solid, holistic society. It's a holistic, it's a better word. That's exactly right. In many ways, there's something, in many cases, I find this something a bit delusional about the minority. It's just the fact that, for example, Arabic is unspoken in the country. It used to be,

I mean, those were because they were Arab Jews who came from Arab countries, but I think they were also Ashkenazi Jews who spoke Arabic. I think that was more common. I think that was my impression, not a whole lot. Maybe if they were there, for example, before the establishment of the state, but as of the establishment of the state, you didn't have people really learning Arabic. I, the changes that have taken place there, maybe it's just a change in my perception, but I just

remember a country that was much more open to the world, but you know, a lot has happened. In that time, by the way, I should ask you, since you live there in Israel, how much damage has been done during this war? We get no sense of it at all, or I don't trust anything I see on the internet, but do you get a sense, it's a country at war, they're rubble, you know, rubble on the street and tell

“of Eve, or? No, no. In fact, I think the last round during June, for example, you know,”

I'm based in Java at the moment. Yeah, there are massive strikes in a place called Battyam to South of Java, where you saw, I think there was a three-block radius of damage. Look, you do have damage relative the stakes, minimal damage within Israel right now. Does the life seem normal ish? Yeah, ish. Really? The Jews like the ish. So it's true. I'm pro ish myself. So it doesn't feel like a country under siege. Under siege? Yeah. Now, the words being thought about 2000, 2000

kilometers away. Correct. Yeah. Certainly not perceived. Is there a sense that there's a physical risk to people you know feel like, wow, we can get, like, hammered by missiles, drones? No, I don't think there's like an apocalyptic. Yeah, that's a sense. But there is a sense, like damage can be done. These are ballistic missiles. People can die. But if you're smart, if you take the necessary stats, if you go down to your shelter, you're probably going to be fine. Like a 99% chance that

you will be just fine. Do you talk to people who have a sense of how this will be resolved? Do people expect it to end soon? The war with Iran? I don't think so. I think people want it to

is that in America, it strikes me. The perception is more zero-some. In America, I think there's

a sense that if we went through all this, and the regime doesn't fall, then this was for naught. We wasted our time. We jeopardized our for the GOP. We jeopardized our base or whatever else. You're better expert in this than I am. Within Israel, though, it's not a zero-some game. If Israel, if this war ends, because Trump decides it has to end, because of internal pressure, economic pressure, and the regime hasn't fallen, BB is none the worst for it. It's not the ideal outcome.

But it's something he can work with. It's a good enough show. It's what you call in the Hebrew an image of victory. It's the phrase that Netanyahu has been using since the beginning of the war, an image of victory. Part of our problem in the U.S. may be that we take our own rhetoric more seriously, or perhaps too seriously, and so in order to justify this, and the previous exchange in June, we had to endure weeks of hearing that we were all that to be killed by Iran

by this regime, which, you know, some people didn't believe, including me, but some people did believe, and we will hold TV channel devoted to telling Americans their single biggest risk, is Iran. So if that regime is still there, it's kind of hard to walk down from that, if you see what I mean.

“I think in America, the big problem is that Americans are fundamentally divorced from history.”

They forget that they're actually inside of history. Yeah, that's for sure. I think that's a for an non-American that's a perceptive observation, and the juicing that history's over is over. Yeah, I think Israel believes this sort of, you know, you got back to the land, we have our state, and it's kind of done now. History's over. I think that's the distinction between Israel and America. America forgets that they're at the center of history, and these rallies believe

that they're enjoying the aftermath of history, as if there can't be another exile, as if there can't be another catastrophe. And that's the short-sightedness. Interesting. Where does, um, among,

is there any discussion of like restoring the third temple? That would seem obvious, at least from

my reading of, no, the Torah. No, that's not even enough. No, but I personally think if you're going to ask me, I personally think would be great to build a third temple just on like another hill. I don't think you can do it on another hill. I bet you could get a rabbinical precedent. You could definitely pay some guy off to let you. If you're going to have a third temple, I'm strongly in favor of putting on another hill, just because then you avoid global religious war.

Yeah, but it would also be a shame to come back to the homeland after 3,000 years and leave potentially without having built something, you know, sweet. But is there any effort to do that that you know of? No, no, but there are a lot of people recently, it's funny. There is, you know, the Messiah patches on that a lot of his rallys do, yes. There's now on the back of cars, there are these stickers now that are sort of like the image. It looks like a Greek or like a Roman

temple, but it's a temple image. Oh, I've seen it. I've seen the sticker. Yes, I have. So that's

“blown up as of the last year or two. Do I think it will actually happen? No. But before the last year”

or two, or let's just say before October 7th, there was none of that that you saw. You had a guy's trying to like secret in like red halfers every now and again. There are serious minority in the country. And as Avra mentioned, you had people. There were 10 several times to five. He said five. Did you know that? Yeah, I knew about one. I didn't know about five. But again, I think this is not. There's no state level or institutional policy that's working

towards the construction of a third temple. I mean, look at the buildings in Tel Aviv. I don't think these rallies right now are in a position to build a big, beautiful temple. The best buildings in Tel Aviv were built by Arabs in the Ottoman era. I knew that. I knew that.

There's been a, I think his rules, you know, was an amazing society in some ways. They built a lot

considering how young it is architecture has not been on the top of the, of the achievement list. I would say.

“That's why you put the city beside the sea. Yeah. No, it's a good, but it did still not.”

It's, yeah. So, I share, I share your view of the local architecture. It's fascinating. So, how has the country just big picture? How has it changed? So, in the seven and a half years you were there before, two and a half since, yeah, October 7th, like what changes have you noticed to people's attitudes? You know, there was, at the height of the war, I went to, to buy a new laptop from a kid. He was like 18, 19 years old. And it ended up that he's a soldier. He works the navy.

So, he's like a young thing. He looks very, very young. I went and we started talking and I

the Arabs. I said, like, like, no, he's like, no. And so, I have a question, like, where do you travel

within Israel? And he goes, you know, back in the day my father would go to a place called Kalakili, which is in the other side of the green line. And he goes, but we with the family would go to a place called Kafarikasim, which is on the Israeli side of the green line, but like, right, snug on the line. And he said, but ever since the war, I stopped going to Kafarikasim, and I was like, do you go to another place called Tira, which is even closer to Tel Aviv? And he's like, no, I won't risk it.

I don't even like go on a jaffa. And I told him, I said, like, I, what, what's going to be left do if you keep operating this way? Like, you're, you're King of the Hills, where you're the landlord, but you're scared. It's like, he's like owning a house and being scared to walk into four to the

“five rooms in the house. It's not a way to live, it's not the way to be a homeowner, right?”

You have this thing, Beningvier's big platform, and he was running for elections was,

"We're going to be the landlords now." And Hebrew ballet a bite, the landlords. Actually, yeah, that was, that was how loud he said that? Yeah, that was a platform. There were signs in the West Bank about that. We're the landlords now. Yeah, we're going to be the landlords. And the problem in Israel is that, especially in the West Bank, is that there's a lot of folks unloading over the land and not really dwelling.

Beningvier's election slogan was, "We're going to be the landlords." So we're, we're dealing with lack of self-awareness now, to say something like that out loud. Quite the opposite. He was very, very aware. It was very strategic, very tactical, especially within the settlement population, of course. You're, you're in a place where you don't feel like you're really, the Lord, you really, you don't feel like, except for the gun,

you don't feel like I'm really the king of a hill. There's a guy who's saying, "I'm going to make you came. I'm going to put the crown on your head." It's tempting, especially to like 90 of young potentially troubled youth who are running around the hilltop. Interesting. Yeah. How long can Israel go with all this territory that's not part of their country, but that they control? Like what? With Gaza and the West Bank, and now something lemon on and

part of Syria, like, does that just go on forever to people envision a time where the official borders of Israel expand? And like, this is our country, like, no, I mean, look, if Israel can't manage Gaza, I don't think they can manage South Lebanon. I don't think that what's happening in South Lebanon is going to be permanent. There might be a poster too on the border. Like,

“you could potentially expect that. Are they going to take a large swaths of Lebanese territory?”

No, but they will do his range of them uninhabitable, which is a kind of way of, you know, doing on this, but not that. How do you do that? It's the art of indecision, which is bps art. You know, you don't occupy b, you leave it unoccupyable. Unoccupyable because there's nothing there. Well, that's the Lebanese border is right now. In many cases, not across the border, but there are many spots in the border in which everything is completely raised. Those were

also houses used in many cases by Hezbollah. So, like, I kind of get that in Syria as well. Like, I don't think that's a permanent incision. I think it's leverage that could potentially be used against Janani to come to some sort of agreement, which I think will eventually come. Not a piece deal, but something, an understanding. Janani being the new head of Syria. Exactly. Who a lot of people assumed was installed there

with the agreement of Israel, why assume that? I still think yet, but now they're against him. How, what is, what is the truth there? Who said they're against him? I don't know. I've heard recently that these railiers are troubled with Janani. I don't know if that's true or not. I don't know if they're, I mean, he's moved troops toward the Lebanese border. And there are rumors that he would be willing to fight Hezbollah. There's a common enemy.

I think, I think these railiers fear Jolani long term.

And they also used to have a very good understanding with Assad. The problem is that Assad was also in bed

with Iran and Hezbollah. So there's been a problem. I don't mean he's really ever had a problem with Assad.

“I think, as far as I know, before the Civil War, there are also secret talks going on.”

These railiers were also preparing to make some kind of agreement with Assad. In the short term, I think, Jolani and these railiers can work together relatively well. Because he, it'll take Jolani a very long time. And so he will be able to build or or as it were, cement the ground beneath him. Yes. He can't start problems with Israel right now. But in 2030 years, he might be able to. What's the typical Israeli view of the United States?

I think Abraham got it right. It's like stupid Americans. They sometimes want to live like you. You know, I think they want to speak English. They want certain kind of American lifestyle. But they don't want to be. They think your knife is their affection or mostly contempt. A lot of affection

has a lot to do with bebe. There has been a kind of rhetoric of like, who's the United States

to tell us what to do. They shouldn't be telling us what to do. And Israelis get frustrated when there's talk of that like bebe's going to bend to Trump. Or that America says, like, buy and

“say, you can't do this. This is the red line. I think there's a deep frustration inside of”

Israel because they want to have their cake and eat it. They want the money, but also total they want, they want support, but also I think they want America to acknowledge that like, we're in a way doing your bidding. I think a lot of Israelis believe it. We're doing your bidding. We're doing something good for you. Doing a hard work that you want to. Yeah. They, they feel that way. I can't speak for the whole. But I mean, you hear that. I hear that.

Yeah. What about Trump? What's the view of Trump? Love them. Really. Yeah. A lot of Israelis love

Trump. Again, I'm speaking from my experience. What do they like about them? They like that he's willing to take the gloves off for once. I think they saw Biden as a pussy. Yeah. As a fakillist pussy who wasn't willing to make a decision wasn't able to do it, for example, BB is willing to do, even though BB was also a pussy for a very long time. And so yeah, I think it's refreshing to them. And I think they don't see,

look, as Avram also said, Israelis don't have a very good understanding of what happens on the American interior of American culture. Most Israelis do not speak English. I think this is like a delusion. People have because they go to television. People speak English. Outside of television, there's not a whole lot of English being spoken. And so there is a sense in which all they see Trump as is what he has done for us. So the fact that he would be

“more willing to help us. And that's what matters. If you're in Israeli, the U.K.B. Israel,”

just like you are an American in Canberra, America. That's right. That's always been my favorite

thing, but Israel is their nationals. Yeah. What's the view of the Gulf States? It's been more specific. What do they think if Dubai and Abu Dhabi UAE, they love the UAE? They love the UAE. The UAE also loves them, but I don't think the government is a big fan of Israel. I've heard from people, for example, that like Emrodi diplomats are a bit shocked when they come to Israel, and they're also in some cases mistreated of the airports. I think they find Israeli

society a bit shocking in its rudeness at times. I think they're not given the kind of respect that they're accustomed to having within Gulf countries that have pretty standard royal hierarchies and different manners. Those are elaborately polite societies with all kinds of

“rituals around manners. Yeah, no, I think they are shocked. Yeah, yeah. So Israelis love the UAE.”

And they're very, very close relations between the UAE and Israel. What do they think of the Saudis? I don't know. Couldn't tell you. Good tour? I couldn't really tell you, I think, you know, a lot of Israelis, I mean, they house Hamas, as far as a lot of Israelis are concerned. I don't hear people saying like Qatar, Qatar as a country is our enemy. I don't think Israeli is think a whole lot about Qatar. Yeah, I believe that. I just don't think they think about them a lot.

What do they think? So Israel is a lot of high profile defenders in the United States, are they well known in Israel? Like who? Well, I don't know, Ben Shapiro were... No, no. Unknown. Markle of Ann. No. No one's ever heard of them. I'm sure there's many people have heard of them. Are there do you have the average Israeli, average Israeli listening to Markle of Interbench Shapiro? Absolutely not. Because also Ben Shapiro was speaking in the name of if anything American jewelry, right?

His conversation is maybe about Israel, but it's between Western Jews or English speaking Jews. It doesn't really impinge upon the Israelis. Two Israelis, what's their view of American Jews specifically? I don't know if I could give you that in a sentence or two. I don't, there's all kinds of different relationships. I'm avoiding falling into like certain kinds of binalities, or stereotype. Totally. Totally. I just, of course, when you can't generalize, actually,

about most cats, but I'd say if there's like an overwhelmed... And there are also mixed feelings. Yeah. There are mixed feelings. I have issues with American Jews, but there are also my people. Right. And this is, I think, the overarching sentiment of the end of the day, there are many disagreements between the two peoples, but they are also a single people. It's just like you have disagreements with your family. I'm sure, but I'm still your family. And that's by and large,

if I had to sum it up, that's the dynamic. But there's certainly a generational break right now. I think the younger generation of liberal Jews, I think they're beginning to see, and this isn't

in the footsteps of their parents, but there is a significant population of young Jews, so I think

are looking at Israel and saying, "We don't like what you're doing, and it doesn't necessarily matter that you're family." What change that? View, do you think Gaza? Yeah. And the fact that it's also unpopular if you're a liberal Jew in a liberal circle, you don't want to be the guy who's liberal on every single point, but stops. A Gaza. It's socially awkward. In many cases, it's a social decision. I don't think it's a major theoretical decision. Right. This is not a question of

principle. It's just like it's becoming unacceptable to be pro. It could be both, but also, you know, principles in America are a big part of sociality or social life. It's certainly hard. Right.

“It's true for any society, I think. Especially America. You think so? Yeah, I think people”

like touting their morals quite a bit in America. Yeah. Really? Yeah, I've never sat with an

Arab, and he tells me, I believe in this, and I believe in that, and I think this is really wrong. I don't, I don't even hear that. I'm like the subway in Toronto. You can hear people talking through each other, but they're various moral beliefs. They've never had to act upon in their lives. That is a very wise observation. I've never sat with an Arab, but he's like, I think this is wrong. Gotta get in your head. I'm sure the Arabs have moral opinions. Well, of course they do. Of course

they do, as such, they don't have standards, but they're not throwing into them at you at dinner. They don't, but there's just not the foundations of their identity. Yeah. Well, there is a certain

self-righteousness in the West. It's not necessarily the same as righteousness. Definitely.

There's a posturing. Yeah. Good that goes on. Here's my last question. How do you think it's impossible to know? But like in five years, what does the landscape look like? Is in the Middle East? Is the United States still as closely lad with this real is it is today? Is Lebanon territory intact? Is Israel safer? Have we gotten a seven front more down to two front say? No fronts? Is

“BB still in power? Like what current trends continue? What does it look like? I think BB very well”

could be in power in five years. I think I think I'll probably get elected. Yeah, I think it's highly likely that I'll get re-elected. And I think everything that's happening right now is in some way or another engineered for that to happen. Again, as we said, you know, the personal ambitions of BB happens with line with some of the strategic ambitions of the state. And if you can just modulate that, then it's perfectly recipe to win elections. In terms of Lebanon, do I think these

rallies will be highly active deep inside Lebanon? No. And I think a lot of these BB doesn't want a ton of where I think after BB gets into if he gets re-elected. I think you'll see Lebanon sort of come to a close. Even Iran can come to a close. He'll want to sort of like bringing a new status quo. That will be useful to him. And when he has to turn up the heat, he'll turn up the heat. Yeah. Do you think, again, purely speculative, but if Donald Trump

went to BB tomorrow and said, we're shutting this down with Iran, it's terrible for markets,

“it's terrible for me, my political party. Yeah. Could he make BB stop? I think he probably”

could, but BB would probably want to find a kind of middle ground. I mean, they had a ceasefire in Lebanon, but there were still Israeli strikes in Lebanon on an almost daily basis. Right. Yeah. I think you could call that the Israeli ceasefire. Yeah. And he'd be called the war between the wars. Don't warp it. So funny when, you know, growing up here, we were taught that Israel had wars in 48, 56, 67, 73, 82, and then they had to fought us. Yeah. That's the official, like,

history of it, right? Yeah. And then you get older and you realize, no, there was just kind of a war continuously. I don't know if I'd call it a war, but there is fighting, just fighting, or there are strikes. Like, there is activity. I don't know if I'd call it a war. But I do think you could potentially see a situation and it depends on the conditions of the end of the war. If there's an agreement, what the stakes are, and the stake holders, but there could be a situation. I can

visit a situation in which Israel, for example, is still striking not necessarily on a daily basis, but that they operate in the skies of Tehran, that they strike as needed. And there's still a lot to be seen. I mean, I don't, I think there should be this probably going to be some attempt to activate people to try to get protested up again. I would have been entirely surprised. In Iran. Yeah. I find it hard to believe that these railies put all this together

will begin to sort of move again. Yeah. I don't know if you can expect people to go and

“protest well. There are strikes. The strikes should, I think, they would expect lay the ground”

work for something to happen. Have any idea how these really government winds up with so many

agents of influence and just agents in all these hostile countries? How many there's so many people in Iran working for Israel, same in Syria, same in Lebanon? Like, how do they do that? People are easy to buy. People are easy to buy. Apparently they are. I mean, I like to say that the best

“spies in the Arab world all work for the musad. Well, that's what we don't do. That's why they don't”

have good intelligence agencies. How do they do that? I mean, it's just remarkable. I don't think the United States could pull that off. They could if they wanted to do. I think the CIA is probably

“just lazy. The stakes aren't as high in many cases. Yeah. You find someone's weakness.”

We're homeless, actual. We only do that in the Senate here. We haven't bothered to do it in

Iran, I guess. That they might come. You never know. All right. Thank you very much. That was

interesting. As hell. Thanks for having me. Cheers.